change? (已有 363,240 人访问过博主空间)

http://www.backchina.com/u/366645

毛主席语录:我没有敌人

作者:change?  于 2018-1-12 10:38 发表于 最热闹的华人社交网络--贝壳村

通用分类:博你一笑|已有1评论



中国社会各阶级的分析

一九二六·二·一


说明:此文为发表时的原文。上传版经与《中国社会各阶级的分析》(毛选版)相互校对,毛选版删除的部分,这里以下划线标示;毛选版添加、改动的部分,在注释里标出。


  谁是我们的敌人?谁是我们的朋友?分不清敌人与朋友,必不是个革命分子,要分清敌人与朋友呢,却并不是容易[1]。中国革命亘三十年[2]成效甚少,并不是目的错,完全是策略错。所谓策略错,就是[3]不能团结真正的朋友,以攻击真正的敌人。所以不能如此,乃是未分清谁是敌人谁是朋友。革命党是群众的向导。(,)在军队中,未有他的向导领错了路而可以打胜仗,在革命运动未有革命党领错了路而这个革命可以不失败[4]我们都是革命党,都是给群众领路的人,都是群众的向导。但我们不可不自问一句:我们有这个本领没有?我们不至于领了群众到失败的路上去么?我们一定可以成功吗?要有[5]不领错一定成功的把握,不可不致谨于一个重要的策略。要决定这个策略,就要首先分清楚谁是敌人谁是朋友[6]国民党第一次全国大会宣言,就是宣告这个策略的决定和敌友的分辨。但这个宣言极其简单。我们要认识这重要的策略,[7]分辨真正的敌友,不可不将中国社会各阶级的经济地位,阶级性,人数及其对于革命的态度,作一个大概的分析。
  无论那一个国内,天造地设,都有三等人,上等,中等,下等。详细分析则有五等,大资产阶级,中产阶级,小资产阶级,半无产阶级,无产阶级。拿农村说:大地主是大资产阶级,小地主是中产阶级,自耕农是小资产阶级,半自耕佃农是半无产阶级,雇农是无产阶级。拿都市说:大银行家,大商业家,大工业家是大资产阶级,钱庄主,中等商人,小工厂主是中产阶级,小商人手工业主是小资产阶级,店员小贩手工业工人是半无产阶级,产业工人苦力是无产阶级。五钟人各有不同的经济地位,各有不同的阶级性。因此对于现代的革命,乃发生反革命,半反革命,对革命守中立,参加革命和为革命的主力军种种不同的态度。
  中国各阶级对于民族革命的态度,与欧西资本主义国内各阶级于社会革命的态度,几乎完全一样。看来好似奇怪,实际并不奇怪。因为现代的革命本是一个,其目的与手段均相同,即同以打倒国际资本帝国主义为目的,同以被压迫民族被压迫阶级联合作战为手段,这是现代革命异乎历史上一切革命之最大的特点。
  我们试看中国社会各阶级[8]是怎么样[9]。(?)
  第一,大资产阶级[10]。经济落后[11]半殖民地的中国,大资产阶级[12]完全[13]国际资产阶级的附庸,其生存和发展的要件,即[14]附属于帝国主义[15]如买办阶级——与外资有密切关系之银行家(陆宗舆陈廉伯等)商业家(如唐绍仪何东等),工业家(如张謇盛恩熙等),
  大地主(如张作霖陈恭受等)
  官僚(如孙宝琦颜惠庆等)
  军阀(如张作霖曹锟等)
  反动派知识阶级——上列四种人之附属物,如买办性质的银行工商业高等员司,财阀,政府之高等事务员,政客,一部分东西洋留学生,一部分大学校专门学校的教授和学生,大律师等都是这一类。这一个阶级[16]与(和)民族[17]革命之(的)目的完全不相容,(。)始终[18]站在帝国主义一边,乃[19]极端的反革命派。[20]其人数大概不出一百万即四万万人中四百分之一,乃民族革命运动中之死敌,
  第二,中产阶级。
  华资银行工商阶级(因在经济落后的中国,本国资本银行工商业的发展尚限在中产阶级地位。所谓银行业乃指小银行及钱庄,工业乃指小规模的工厂,商业乃指国货商。凡是大规模银行工商业无不与外国资本有关系,只能算入买办阶级内。)
  小地主
  许多高等知识分子——华商银行工商业之从业员,大部分东西洋留学生,大部分大学校专门学校教授和学生,小律师等都是这一类。这个阶级的欲望为欲达到大资产阶级的地位,然受外资打击军阀压迫不能发展。↘这个阶级[21]对于民族[22]革命乃取了[23]矛盾的态度。(:)即其受[24]外资打击,军阀压迫感觉痛苦时,需要革命,赞成反帝国主义反军阀的革命运动。(;)但因,现在的革命运动[25]在国内有本国无产阶级的勇猛参加,在国外有国际无产阶级的积极援助,对于其欲达到大资产阶级地位的阶级的发展及存在,感觉着威胁[26],又[27]怀疑革命。这个阶级即所谓民族资产阶级,其政治主张为国家主义——实现民族资产阶级一阶级统治的国家。有一个[28]戴季陶“真实信徒”[29](其自称如此)〈,〉在北京晨报[30]上发表议论说:“举起左手[31]打倒帝国主义!(,)举起你的右手打倒共产党!(。)”[32]乃活画出[33]这个阶级的矛盾惶遽态度[34]。他们反对以阶级争斗说[35]解释民生主义[36],反对[37]国民党联俄及(和)容纳共产派分子[38]。但[39]这个阶级的企图——实现民族资产阶级统治的国家,是完全不行[40],因为现在世界上[41]局面,乃[42]革命[43]反革命两大势力作最后争斗[44]的局面。这两大势力竖起[45]两面大旗;(:)一面是赤[46]色的革命的大旗,第三国际高举着,号召全世界被压迫民族被压迫[47]阶级集合于其旗帜之下,站在一边;一面是白色的反革命的大旗,国际联盟高举着,号召全世界反革命分子[48][49]于其旗帜之下,站在另一边。那些中间阶级,在西洋如所谓第二国际等类,在中国如所谓国家主义派等类,必须赶快的[50]分化,或者向左跑入革命派,或者向右跑入反革命派,没有他们“独立”的余地。所以〈,〉中国的中产阶级〈,〉以[51]本阶级利益为主体的“独立”革命思想,仅仅是个[52]幻想。他们现在虽然还站在半反革命的地位,他们现在虽然还不是我们正面的敌人,但到他们感觉工农阶级的威胁日甚时,即是为了工农阶级的利益迫他们让步稍多时(如农村中的减租运动都市中的罢工运动)他们或他们的一部分(中产阶级右翼)一定会站入帝国主义一边,一定变为完全的反革命,一定要成为我们正面的敌人。本来买办阶级与非买办阶级,有一部分是未能截然画分清楚的。以商业论,固然许多商人是洋货商土货商划分的很清楚,但是在有些商店的店门内,是一部分摆设着土货,一部分又摆设着洋货。以知识阶级论,以小地主子弟的资格赴东洋资本主义国家读书的留学生,固然是很显明的除了半身土气之外,又带上了半身洋气。即以小地主子弟的资格在国内专门学校大学校读书受着那半土半洋回国留学生的熏陶,仍然不免是些半身土气半身洋气的脚色。在这类人并不是纯民族的资产阶级性质,可以叫他们做“半民族资产阶级”。这种乃是中产阶级右翼,只要国民革命的争斗加紧,这种人一定很快的跑入帝国主义军阀的队伍里,和着买办阶级做着很好的夥伴。中产阶级左翼,即与帝国主义完全无缘者,此派在某种时候(如抵制外货潮流高涨时)颇有革命性。但其夙持之空虚的“和平”观念极不易破,而且对于所谓“赤化”时时怀着恐慌,故其对于革命极易妥协,不能持久。故中国的中产阶级,无论其右翼,即其左翼,也包含许多危险成分,断不能望其勇敢地跑上革命的路,跟着其余的阶级忠实地做革命事业,除开少数历史和环境都有特别情况的人。中产阶级的人数,在全国内至多每百个人里头有一个(百分之一)即四百万人。
  第三,小资产阶级。如
  ↘自耕农〈,〉
  小商
  ↘手工业主〈,〉
  小知识阶级[53]——小员司,事务员,中学学生,及中小学教员,小律师等[54]
  ↘都属于这一类。这一个阶级,在人数上,在阶级性上,都值得大大注意。[55]小资产的人数,单是自耕农,就有一万万至一万二千万,小商人手工业主,知识阶级,大概自二千万至三千万,合计达一万三千万,这个阶级[56]虽然同在[57]小资产阶级经济地位,但有三个不同的部分。第一部分是有余钱剩米的,即用其体力或脑力劳动所得,除自给外,每年有余剩,(。)用以造成所谓资本的初步积累。这种人发财观念极重,虽[58]不妄想发大财,却总想爬上中产阶级地位。他们看见那些受人尊敬的小财东,往往垂着一尺长[59]涎水,(。)对于赵公元帅(俗财神)礼拜最勤。这种人胆子小,他们怕官,也有点怕革命。因为他们的经济地位与(和)中产阶级颇接近,故对于中产阶级的宣传颇相信,对于革命取怀疑的态度。但是这一部分人在小资产[60]中占少数,大概不及小资产阶级全数百分之十约一千五百万,[61]小资产阶级的右翼。第二部分是恰足自给的[62],(。)每年收支恰足相抵不多不少,这部分人[63]比较第一部分人大不相同,他们也想发财,但是赵公元帅总不让他们发财,随着[64]近年[65]帝国主义〈、〉军阀〈、〉大中资产阶级[66]的压迫和剥削,使他们感觉现在的世界已经不是从前的世界。他们觉得现在如果只使用从前相等的劳力[67],就会不能维持生活。必须增加劳动时间,每天起早晨[68],对于职业加倍注意,才能[69]维持生活,(。)他们有点骂人了:(,)他们骂洋人叫“洋鬼子”,骂军阀叫“抢钱司令”〈,〉骂土豪劣绅叫“为富不仁”。对于反帝国主义反军阀的运动,仅怀疑其未必成功理由是:“洋人和司令的来头那么大”[70],不肯贸然参加,取了中立的态度,但[71]绝不反对革命。这一部分人数甚多,大概[72]小资产[73]的一半“十分之五”即七千五百万。第三部分是每年要亏本[74]的。这一部分人好些大概原先是所谓殷实人家,渐渐变的(得)仅仅保等[75],渐渐变的(得)要亏本[76]了。他们每逢年终结账一次,就吃惊一次,说〈:〉“咳!(,)又亏了!”这种人因为他们从前[77]过着好日子,后来逐年下降,负债渐多,渐次过着凄凉的日子,“瞻念前途,不寒而栗”。这种人在精神上感觉的痛苦比一切人大[78],因为他们有一个从前与(和)现在相反的比较。这种人在革命运动中颇要紧,颇有推革命的力量。其人数占小资产阶级中百分之四拾即六千万——一个不小的[79]群众,乃[80]小资产阶级的左翼。以上说[81]小资产阶级的三部分〈,〉对于革命的态度〈,〉在平时各不相同,(;)但到战时〈,〉即[82]革命潮流高涨〈、〉可以看得见胜利的曙光时,不但小资产阶级的左派参加革命;(,)中派亦可参加革命;(,)即右派分子受了无产阶级及(和)小资产[83]左派的革命大潮所裹挟,也只得附和[84]着革命。我们从五三十运动[85]两年来各地农民运动的经验看来,这个渐定[86]是不错的。
  第四,半无产阶级。此处所谓半无产阶级,包含〈:〉
  ↘(1(一))半自耕农[87]
  (2)半益农
  ↘(3(二))贫农〈,〉
  ↘(4(三))手工业工人[88]
  ↘(5(四))店员〈,〉
  ↘(6(五))小贩
  ↘之六种[89]半自耕农的数目,在中国农民中大概占五千万,半益农贫农大概各占六千万,三种共计一万七千万,[90]农村中一个极大[91]群众,(。)所谓农民问题,一大半[92]就是他们的问题,(。)这三种农民[93]虽同属半无产阶级,然[94]经济状况仍有上〈、〉中〈、〉下三个细别。半自耕农,其生活苦于自耕农,因其食粮每年有[95]一半不够,须种[96]别人田地〈,〉或者作工或营小商[97]〈,〉以资弥补。春夏之间,青黄不接,高利向别人借贷[98],重价向别人粜粮,较之自耕农之(的)不[99]求于人,自然境遇[100]要苦。(,)然[101]优于半益农[102]。因[103]半益农[104]无土地,每年耕种只得收获之一半[105]:(,)半自耕农则租于别人的部分虽只收获一半不足一半,然自有的部分却可全获(得),(。)故半自耕农之(的)革命性优于自耕农而不及半益农[106]半益农与贫农是乡村[107]的佃农,受地主的剥削,(。)然[108]经济地位颇有分别[109]。半益农[110]无土地,然有比较充足之(的)农具及(和)相当数目[111]的流动资本[112]。此种农人[113],每年劳动结果〈,〉自己可一半。不足部分,种[114]杂粮,(、)捞鱼虾,(、)饲鸡豕,勉强[115]维持生活。(,)于艰难竭蹶之中,存聊以卒岁之想。故其生活苦于半自耕农,然较贫农[116]为优。其革命性〈,〉则优于半自耕农而不及贫农[117]。贫农[118]〈,〉既[119]无充足的农具,又无流动的资本[120],肥料不足,田地[121]歉收,送租之外,所得无几。[122]荒时暴月,向亲友乞哀告怜,借得几斗几升,敷衍三日五日。(,)债务丛杂[123],如牛负重。乃[124]农民中极艰苦者,极易接受革命的宣传。手工业工人[125]所以称为半无产阶级,因其自有工具[126],且系一种自由职业,其[127]经济地位略与农村中半益农[128]相当。因[129]家庭负担之重,工资与(和)生活物价[130]之不相称,时有贫困的压迫或(和)失业的恐慌,与(和)半益农[131]亦大致相同。店员乃[132]中小商人[133]的雇员,以微薄的薪资,供事畜的费用[134],物价年年增涨[135]新例[136]往往须数年一更[137],偶与此辈倾谈,便见叫苦不迭。其地位与(和)手工业工人[138]不相上下,对于革命宣传极易接受,(。)小贩不论肩挑叫卖〈,〉或街畔摊售,总之本小利微,吃着不够,(。)其地位与(和)贫农不相上下,其需要一个变更现状的革命,也和贫农相同。手工业工人人数,大概占全人口百分之六即二千四百万人,店员大概有五百万,小贩大概有一百万,合起半自耕农,半益农,佃农——人数,半无产阶级人数共计约二万万占全人口之一半。
  第五 无产阶级其种类及人数如下:(。)
  ↘工业[139]无产阶级——约二百万[140]:(。)
  都市苦力——约三百万:
  农业无产阶级——约二千万:
  共约四千五百万。↘中国因经济落后,故产业工人(工业[141]无产阶级不多[142]。二百万[143]产业工人中,主要为铁路,(、)矿山,(、)海运,(、)纺织,(、)造船五种产业[144],而大多数[145]在外资产业之下[146]工业无产阶级虽不多[147],却做了民族革命运动的主力[148]。我们看四年以来的罢工运动,如海员罢工,(、)铁路罢工,(、)开滦及(和)焦作煤矿罢工,(、)及[149]五三十[150]上海香港两处之(的)大罢工所表现的力量,就可知工业无产阶级在民族革命[151]中所处地位的重要。他们所以能如此,第一个原因是集中。无论那种人都不如他们[152]“有组织的集中。第二个原因是经济地位低下,(。)他们失了工具[153]〈,〉剩下两手,绝了发财的望,又受着帝国主义,(、)军阀,(、)买办阶级[154],(的)极惨酷[155]的待遇,所以他们特别能奋斗[156]。都市苦力[157]的力量也很可注意,(。)以码头搬运夫及(和)人力车夫占多数,粪夫清道夫等都[158]属于这一类。他们除双手外,别无长物,其经济地位与(和)产业工人相似,惟不及其有组织的[159]集中及(和)在生产上的重要。中国尚少新式[160]资本主义的农业,(。)所谓农业[161]无产阶级,乃[162]指长工,(、)月工,(、)零工等雇农而言。此等雇农不仅无土地,无农具,又无丝毫流动资本[163]只得营工度日。其劳动时间之长,工资之少,待遇之薄,职业之不安定,超过其他工人。此种人在乡村中乃[164]最感困难者,在农民运动中与(和)贫农处于同一要紧的[165]地位。(改)游民无产阶级[166]〈,〉为失了土地的农民与(和)失了工作机会的手工业工人,(。)其人数在二千万以上,乃国内兵争匪祸的根原,此游民无产阶级中最多者为匪,其次为兵,次为乞丐,次为盗贼与娼妓。他们乃[167]人类生活中最不安定者,(。)他们在各地都有秘密组织:(,)如闽的“三合会”。(,)湘的“哥老会”。(,)皖等省的“大刀会”。(,)直隶及东三省的“在理会”,上海等处的“青帮”,都做了[168]他们[169]政治和经济争斗[170]的互助机关[171]。处置这一批人〈,〉乃[172]中国最大最难的问题[173]中国有两个问题:一个是贫乏,又一个是失业,故若解决了失业问题,就算是解决了中国问题的一半,这一批人很能勇敢奋斗,引导得法[174]〈,〉可以变成一种革命力量。
  综上所述,列表如左:〔《选集》没有下面的列表。〕

阶级 人数对于革命的态度
大资产阶级一百万极端反革命
中资产阶级四百万右翼邻于反革命,左翼有时可参加革命,但与敌人妥协,全体看来是半反革命。
小资产阶级富资部分——右翼千五百万平时近似中产阶级之半反革命,战时,可附和革命。
自足部分——中央七千五百万平时中立,战时参加。
不足部分——左翼六千万欢迎
 六千万五千万 
半无产阶级半自耕农五千万参加
半益农六千万积极参加
贫农六千万勇敢奋斗
手工业工人二千四百万同半益农
店员五百万同半益农
小贩一百万同贫农
 共二万万 
无产阶级工业无产阶级二百万主力军
都市苦力三百万次手工业无产阶级的主力军
农业无产阶级二千万勇敢奋斗
游民无产阶级二千万可引为革命的力量
 共四千五百万 

  谁是敌人谁是朋友?我们现在可以答复了。一切[175]勾结帝国主义的军阀〈、〉官僚,(、)买办阶级,(、)大地主,反动的知识阶级即所谓中国大资产阶级[176]是我们的敌人,(。)乃是我们真正的敌人:一切小资产阶级,半无产阶级,无产阶级[177]乃是我们的[178]朋友,乃是我们真正的朋友。那摇动[179]不定的中产阶级,其右翼应该把他当做[180]我们的敌人〈,〉——即现时非敌人也去敌人不远:其左翼可以[181]把他当做我们的朋友——但不是真正的朋友;我们要时常提防他[182]。(,)不要让他[183][184]了我们的阵线!(。)我们真正的朋友有多少?有三万万九千五百万。我们的真正敌人有多少?有一百万。那可友可敌的中间派有多少?有四百万。让这四百万算做敌人,也不枉他们有一个五百万人的团体,依然抵不住三万万九千五百万人的一铺唾沫。
  三万万九千五百万人团结起来!

  ○《中国农民》一卷二期 中国国民党中央执行委员会农民部 一九二六·二·一
  《中国青年》一一六/七期 中国青年社 一九二六·三·一三


中国社会各阶级的分析

一九二六·二·一


说明:此文为发表时的原文。上传版经与《中国社会各阶级的分析》(毛选版)相互校对,毛选版删除的部分,这里以下划线标示;毛选版添加、改动的部分,在注释里标出。


  谁是我们的敌人?谁是我们的朋友?分不清敌人与朋友,必不是个革命分子,要分清敌人与朋友呢,却并不是容易[1]。中国革命亘三十年[2]成效甚少,并不是目的错,完全是策略错。所谓策略错,就是[3]不能团结真正的朋友,以攻击真正的敌人。所以不能如此,乃是未分清谁是敌人谁是朋友。革命党是群众的向导。(,)在军队中,未有他的向导领错了路而可以打胜仗,在革命运动未有革命党领错了路而这个革命可以不失败[4]我们都是革命党,都是给群众领路的人,都是群众的向导。但我们不可不自问一句:我们有这个本领没有?我们不至于领了群众到失败的路上去么?我们一定可以成功吗?要有[5]不领错一定成功的把握,不可不致谨于一个重要的策略。要决定这个策略,就要首先分清楚谁是敌人谁是朋友[6]国民党第一次全国大会宣言,就是宣告这个策略的决定和敌友的分辨。但这个宣言极其简单。我们要认识这重要的策略,[7]分辨真正的敌友,不可不将中国社会各阶级的经济地位,阶级性,人数及其对于革命的态度,作一个大概的分析。
  无论那一个国内,天造地设,都有三等人,上等,中等,下等。详细分析则有五等,大资产阶级,中产阶级,小资产阶级,半无产阶级,无产阶级。拿农村说:大地主是大资产阶级,小地主是中产阶级,自耕农是小资产阶级,半自耕佃农是半无产阶级,雇农是无产阶级。拿都市说:大银行家,大商业家,大工业家是大资产阶级,钱庄主,中等商人,小工厂主是中产阶级,小商人手工业主是小资产阶级,店员小贩手工业工人是半无产阶级,产业工人苦力是无产阶级。五钟人各有不同的经济地位,各有不同的阶级性。因此对于现代的革命,乃发生反革命,半反革命,对革命守中立,参加革命和为革命的主力军种种不同的态度。
  中国各阶级对于民族革命的态度,与欧西资本主义国内各阶级于社会革命的态度,几乎完全一样。看来好似奇怪,实际并不奇怪。因为现代的革命本是一个,其目的与手段均相同,即同以打倒国际资本帝国主义为目的,同以被压迫民族被压迫阶级联合作战为手段,这是现代革命异乎历史上一切革命之最大的特点。
  我们试看中国社会各阶级[8]是怎么样[9]。(?)
  第一,大资产阶级[10]。经济落后[11]半殖民地的中国,大资产阶级[12]完全[13]国际资产阶级的附庸,其生存和发展的要件,即[14]附属于帝国主义[15]如买办阶级——与外资有密切关系之银行家(陆宗舆陈廉伯等)商业家(如唐绍仪何东等),工业家(如张謇盛恩熙等),
  大地主(如张作霖陈恭受等)
  官僚(如孙宝琦颜惠庆等)
  军阀(如张作霖曹锟等)
  反动派知识阶级——上列四种人之附属物,如买办性质的银行工商业高等员司,财阀,政府之高等事务员,政客,一部分东西洋留学生,一部分大学校专门学校的教授和学生,大律师等都是这一类。这一个阶级[16]与(和)民族[17]革命之(的)目的完全不相容,(。)始终[18]站在帝国主义一边,乃[19]极端的反革命派。[20]其人数大概不出一百万即四万万人中四百分之一,乃民族革命运动中之死敌,
  第二,中产阶级。
  华资银行工商阶级(因在经济落后的中国,本国资本银行工商业的发展尚限在中产阶级地位。所谓银行业乃指小银行及钱庄,工业乃指小规模的工厂,商业乃指国货商。凡是大规模银行工商业无不与外国资本有关系,只能算入买办阶级内。)
  小地主
  许多高等知识分子——华商银行工商业之从业员,大部分东西洋留学生,大部分大学校专门学校教授和学生,小律师等都是这一类。这个阶级的欲望为欲达到大资产阶级的地位,然受外资打击军阀压迫不能发展。↘这个阶级[21]对于民族[22]革命乃取了[23]矛盾的态度。(:)即其受[24]外资打击,军阀压迫感觉痛苦时,需要革命,赞成反帝国主义反军阀的革命运动。(;)但因,现在的革命运动[25]在国内有本国无产阶级的勇猛参加,在国外有国际无产阶级的积极援助,对于其欲达到大资产阶级地位的阶级的发展及存在,感觉着威胁[26],又[27]怀疑革命。这个阶级即所谓民族资产阶级,其政治主张为国家主义——实现民族资产阶级一阶级统治的国家。有一个[28]戴季陶“真实信徒”[29](其自称如此)〈,〉在北京晨报[30]上发表议论说:“举起左手[31]打倒帝国主义!(,)举起你的右手打倒共产党!(。)”[32]乃活画出[33]这个阶级的矛盾惶遽态度[34]。他们反对以阶级争斗说[35]解释民生主义[36],反对[37]国民党联俄及(和)容纳共产派分子[38]。但[39]这个阶级的企图——实现民族资产阶级统治的国家,是完全不行[40],因为现在世界上[41]局面,乃[42]革命[43]反革命两大势力作最后争斗[44]的局面。这两大势力竖起[45]两面大旗;(:)一面是赤[46]色的革命的大旗,第三国际高举着,号召全世界被压迫民族被压迫[47]阶级集合于其旗帜之下,站在一边;一面是白色的反革命的大旗,国际联盟高举着,号召全世界反革命分子[48][49]于其旗帜之下,站在另一边。那些中间阶级,在西洋如所谓第二国际等类,在中国如所谓国家主义派等类,必须赶快的[50]分化,或者向左跑入革命派,或者向右跑入反革命派,没有他们“独立”的余地。所以〈,〉中国的中产阶级〈,〉以[51]本阶级利益为主体的“独立”革命思想,仅仅是个[52]幻想。他们现在虽然还站在半反革命的地位,他们现在虽然还不是我们正面的敌人,但到他们感觉工农阶级的威胁日甚时,即是为了工农阶级的利益迫他们让步稍多时(如农村中的减租运动都市中的罢工运动)他们或他们的一部分(中产阶级右翼)一定会站入帝国主义一边,一定变为完全的反革命,一定要成为我们正面的敌人。本来买办阶级与非买办阶级,有一部分是未能截然画分清楚的。以商业论,固然许多商人是洋货商土货商划分的很清楚,但是在有些商店的店门内,是一部分摆设着土货,一部分又摆设着洋货。以知识阶级论,以小地主子弟的资格赴东洋资本主义国家读书的留学生,固然是很显明的除了半身土气之外,又带上了半身洋气。即以小地主子弟的资格在国内专门学校大学校读书受着那半土半洋回国留学生的熏陶,仍然不免是些半身土气半身洋气的脚色。在这类人并不是纯民族的资产阶级性质,可以叫他们做“半民族资产阶级”。这种乃是中产阶级右翼,只要国民革命的争斗加紧,这种人一定很快的跑入帝国主义军阀的队伍里,和着买办阶级做着很好的夥伴。中产阶级左翼,即与帝国主义完全无缘者,此派在某种时候(如抵制外货潮流高涨时)颇有革命性。但其夙持之空虚的“和平”观念极不易破,而且对于所谓“赤化”时时怀着恐慌,故其对于革命极易妥协,不能持久。故中国的中产阶级,无论其右翼,即其左翼,也包含许多危险成分,断不能望其勇敢地跑上革命的路,跟着其余的阶级忠实地做革命事业,除开少数历史和环境都有特别情况的人。中产阶级的人数,在全国内至多每百个人里头有一个(百分之一)即四百万人。
  第三,小资产阶级。如
  ↘自耕农〈,〉
  小商
  ↘手工业主〈,〉
  小知识阶级[53]——小员司,事务员,中学学生,及中小学教员,小律师等[54]
  ↘都属于这一类。这一个阶级,在人数上,在阶级性上,都值得大大注意。[55]小资产的人数,单是自耕农,就有一万万至一万二千万,小商人手工业主,知识阶级,大概自二千万至三千万,合计达一万三千万,这个阶级[56]虽然同在[57]小资产阶级经济地位,但有三个不同的部分。第一部分是有余钱剩米的,即用其体力或脑力劳动所得,除自给外,每年有余剩,(。)用以造成所谓资本的初步积累。这种人发财观念极重,虽[58]不妄想发大财,却总想爬上中产阶级地位。他们看见那些受人尊敬的小财东,往往垂着一尺长[59]涎水,(。)对于赵公元帅(俗财神)礼拜最勤。这种人胆子小,他们怕官,也有点怕革命。因为他们的经济地位与(和)中产阶级颇接近,故对于中产阶级的宣传颇相信,对于革命取怀疑的态度。但是这一部分人在小资产[60]中占少数,大概不及小资产阶级全数百分之十约一千五百万,[61]小资产阶级的右翼。第二部分是恰足自给的[62],(。)每年收支恰足相抵不多不少,这部分人[63]比较第一部分人大不相同,他们也想发财,但是赵公元帅总不让他们发财,随着[64]近年[65]帝国主义〈、〉军阀〈、〉大中资产阶级[66]的压迫和剥削,使他们感觉现在的世界已经不是从前的世界。他们觉得现在如果只使用从前相等的劳力[67],就会不能维持生活。必须增加劳动时间,每天起早晨[68],对于职业加倍注意,才能[69]维持生活,(。)他们有点骂人了:(,)他们骂洋人叫“洋鬼子”,骂军阀叫“抢钱司令”〈,〉骂土豪劣绅叫“为富不仁”。对于反帝国主义反军阀的运动,仅怀疑其未必成功理由是:“洋人和司令的来头那么大”[70],不肯贸然参加,取了中立的态度,但[71]绝不反对革命。这一部分人数甚多,大概[72]小资产[73]的一半“十分之五”即七千五百万。第三部分是每年要亏本[74]的。这一部分人好些大概原先是所谓殷实人家,渐渐变的(得)仅仅保等[75],渐渐变的(得)要亏本[76]了。他们每逢年终结账一次,就吃惊一次,说〈:〉“咳!(,)又亏了!”这种人因为他们从前[77]过着好日子,后来逐年下降,负债渐多,渐次过着凄凉的日子,“瞻念前途,不寒而栗”。这种人在精神上感觉的痛苦比一切人大[78],因为他们有一个从前与(和)现在相反的比较。这种人在革命运动中颇要紧,颇有推革命的力量。其人数占小资产阶级中百分之四拾即六千万——一个不小的[79]群众,乃[80]小资产阶级的左翼。以上说[81]小资产阶级的三部分〈,〉对于革命的态度〈,〉在平时各不相同,(;)但到战时〈,〉即[82]革命潮流高涨〈、〉可以看得见胜利的曙光时,不但小资产阶级的左派参加革命;(,)中派亦可参加革命;(,)即右派分子受了无产阶级及(和)小资产[83]左派的革命大潮所裹挟,也只得附和[84]着革命。我们从五三十运动[85]两年来各地农民运动的经验看来,这个渐定[86]是不错的。
  第四,半无产阶级。此处所谓半无产阶级,包含〈:〉
  ↘(1(一))半自耕农[87]
  (2)半益农
  ↘(3(二))贫农〈,〉
  ↘(4(三))手工业工人[88]
  ↘(5(四))店员〈,〉
  ↘(6(五))小贩
  ↘之六种[89]半自耕农的数目,在中国农民中大概占五千万,半益农贫农大概各占六千万,三种共计一万七千万,[90]农村中一个极大[91]群众,(。)所谓农民问题,一大半[92]就是他们的问题,(。)这三种农民[93]虽同属半无产阶级,然[94]经济状况仍有上〈、〉中〈、〉下三个细别。半自耕农,其生活苦于自耕农,因其食粮每年有[95]一半不够,须种[96]别人田地〈,〉或者作工或营小商[97]〈,〉以资弥补。春夏之间,青黄不接,高利向别人借贷[98],重价向别人粜粮,较之自耕农之(的)不[99]求于人,自然境遇[100]要苦。(,)然[101]优于半益农[102]。因[103]半益农[104]无土地,每年耕种只得收获之一半[105]:(,)半自耕农则租于别人的部分虽只收获一半不足一半,然自有的部分却可全获(得),(。)故半自耕农之(的)革命性优于自耕农而不及半益农[106]半益农与贫农是乡村[107]的佃农,受地主的剥削,(。)然[108]经济地位颇有分别[109]。半益农[110]无土地,然有比较充足之(的)农具及(和)相当数目[111]的流动资本[112]。此种农人[113],每年劳动结果〈,〉自己可一半。不足部分,种[114]杂粮,(、)捞鱼虾,(、)饲鸡豕,勉强[115]维持生活。(,)于艰难竭蹶之中,存聊以卒岁之想。故其生活苦于半自耕农,然较贫农[116]为优。其革命性〈,〉则优于半自耕农而不及贫农[117]。贫农[118]〈,〉既[119]无充足的农具,又无流动的资本[120],肥料不足,田地[121]歉收,送租之外,所得无几。[122]荒时暴月,向亲友乞哀告怜,借得几斗几升,敷衍三日五日。(,)债务丛杂[123],如牛负重。乃[124]农民中极艰苦者,极易接受革命的宣传。手工业工人[125]所以称为半无产阶级,因其自有工具[126],且系一种自由职业,其[127]经济地位略与农村中半益农[128]相当。因[129]家庭负担之重,工资与(和)生活物价[130]之不相称,时有贫困的压迫或(和)失业的恐慌,与(和)半益农[131]亦大致相同。店员乃[132]中小商人[133]的雇员,以微薄的薪资,供事畜的费用[134],物价年年增涨[135]新例[136]往往须数年一更[137],偶与此辈倾谈,便见叫苦不迭。其地位与(和)手工业工人[138]不相上下,对于革命宣传极易接受,(。)小贩不论肩挑叫卖〈,〉或街畔摊售,总之本小利微,吃着不够,(。)其地位与(和)贫农不相上下,其需要一个变更现状的革命,也和贫农相同。手工业工人人数,大概占全人口百分之六即二千四百万人,店员大概有五百万,小贩大概有一百万,合起半自耕农,半益农,佃农——人数,半无产阶级人数共计约二万万占全人口之一半。
  第五 无产阶级其种类及人数如下:(。)
  ↘工业[139]无产阶级——约二百万[140]:(。)
  都市苦力——约三百万:
  农业无产阶级——约二千万:
  共约四千五百万。↘中国因经济落后,故产业工人(工业[141]无产阶级不多[142]。二百万[143]产业工人中,主要为铁路,(、)矿山,(、)海运,(、)纺织,(、)造船五种产业[144],而大多数[145]在外资产业之下[146]工业无产阶级虽不多[147],却做了民族革命运动的主力[148]。我们看四年以来的罢工运动,如海员罢工,(、)铁路罢工,(、)开滦及(和)焦作煤矿罢工,(、)及[149]五三十[150]上海香港两处之(的)大罢工所表现的力量,就可知工业无产阶级在民族革命[151]中所处地位的重要。他们所以能如此,第一个原因是集中。无论那种人都不如他们[152]“有组织的集中。第二个原因是经济地位低下,(。)他们失了工具[153]〈,〉剩下两手,绝了发财的望,又受着帝国主义,(、)军阀,(、)买办阶级[154],(的)极惨酷[155]的待遇,所以他们特别能奋斗[156]。都市苦力[157]的力量也很可注意,(。)以码头搬运夫及(和)人力车夫占多数,粪夫清道夫等都[158]属于这一类。他们除双手外,别无长物,其经济地位与(和)产业工人相似,惟不及其有组织的[159]集中及(和)在生产上的重要。中国尚少新式[160]资本主义的农业,(。)所谓农业[161]无产阶级,乃[162]指长工,(、)月工,(、)零工等雇农而言。此等雇农不仅无土地,无农具,又无丝毫流动资本[163]只得营工度日。其劳动时间之长,工资之少,待遇之薄,职业之不安定,超过其他工人。此种人在乡村中乃[164]最感困难者,在农民运动中与(和)贫农处于同一要紧的[165]地位。(改)游民无产阶级[166]〈,〉为失了土地的农民与(和)失了工作机会的手工业工人,(。)其人数在二千万以上,乃国内兵争匪祸的根原,此游民无产阶级中最多者为匪,其次为兵,次为乞丐,次为盗贼与娼妓。他们乃[167]人类生活中最不安定者,(。)他们在各地都有秘密组织:(,)如闽的“三合会”。(,)湘的“哥老会”。(,)皖等省的“大刀会”。(,)直隶及东三省的“在理会”,上海等处的“青帮”,都做了[168]他们[169]政治和经济争斗[170]的互助机关[171]。处置这一批人〈,〉乃[172]中国最大最难的问题[173]中国有两个问题:一个是贫乏,又一个是失业,故若解决了失业问题,就算是解决了中国问题的一半,这一批人很能勇敢奋斗,引导得法[174]〈,〉可以变成一种革命力量。
  综上所述,列表如左:〔《选集》没有下面的列表。〕

阶级 人数对于革命的态度
大资产阶级一百万极端反革命
中资产阶级四百万右翼邻于反革命,左翼有时可参加革命,但与敌人妥协,全体看来是半反革命。
小资产阶级富资部分——右翼千五百万平时近似中产阶级之半反革命,战时,可附和革命。
自足部分——中央七千五百万平时中立,战时参加。
不足部分——左翼六千万欢迎
 六千万五千万 
半无产阶级半自耕农五千万参加
半益农六千万积极参加
贫农六千万勇敢奋斗
手工业工人二千四百万同半益农
店员五百万同半益农
小贩一百万同贫农
 共二万万 
无产阶级工业无产阶级二百万主力军
都市苦力三百万次手工业无产阶级的主力军
农业无产阶级二千万勇敢奋斗
游民无产阶级二千万可引为革命的力量
 共四千五百万 

  谁是敌人谁是朋友?我们现在可以答复了。一切[175]勾结帝国主义的军阀〈、〉官僚,(、)买办阶级,(、)大地主,反动的知识阶级即所谓中国大资产阶级[176]是我们的敌人,(。)乃是我们真正的敌人:一切小资产阶级,半无产阶级,无产阶级[177]乃是我们的[178]朋友,乃是我们真正的朋友。那摇动[179]不定的中产阶级,其右翼应该把他当做[180]我们的敌人〈,〉——即现时非敌人也去敌人不远:其左翼可以[181]把他当做我们的朋友——但不是真正的朋友;我们要时常提防他[182]。(,)不要让他[183][184]了我们的阵线!(。)我们真正的朋友有多少?有三万万九千五百万。我们的真正敌人有多少?有一百万。那可友可敌的中间派有多少?有四百万。让这四百万算做敌人,也不枉他们有一个五百万人的团体,依然抵不住三万万九千五百万人的一铺唾沫。
  三万万九千五百万人团结起来!

  ○《中国农民》一卷二期 中国国民党中央执行委员会农民部 一九二六·二·一
  《中国青年》一一六/七期 中国青年社 一九二六·三·一三



注释:

[1] 分不清~容易→这个问题是革命的首要问题

[2] 中国革命亘三十年→中国过去一切革命斗争

[3] 就是~→其基本原因就是因为~

[4] 不失败→不失败的

[5] 要有~→我们的革命要有~

[6] 不可不致谨于一个重要的策略。要决定这个策略,就要首先分请楚谁是敌人谁是朋友→不可不注意团结我们的真正的朋友,以攻击我们的真正的敌人

[7] 要~→我们要~

[8] ~阶级→~阶级的情况

[9] 怎么样→怎样的呢

[10] 大资产阶级→地主阶级和买办阶级

[11] 经济落后~→在经济落后的~

[12] 大资产阶级→地主阶级和买办阶级

[13] 完全→完全是

[14] 即→是

[15] 帝国主义→帝国主义的

[16] 这一个阶级~→这些阶级代表中国最落后的和最反动的生产关系,阻碍中国生产力的发展。他们~

[17] 民族→中国

[18] 始终~→特别是大地主阶级和大买办阶级,他们始终~

[19] 乃→是

[20] ~反革命派。→~反革命派。其政治代表是国家主义派和国民党右派

[21] 这个阶级~→这个阶级代表中国城乡资本主义的生产关系。中产阶级主要是指民族资产阶级,他们~

[22] 民族→中国

[23] 乃取了→具有

[24] 即其受→他们在受

[25] 但因,~运动→但是当着革命

[26] 感觉着威胁→感觉到威胁时

[27] 又~→他们又~

[28] 有一个→有一个自称为

[29] ~”→“~”的

[30] 晨报→《晨报》

[31] 左手→你的左手

[32] ~”→~”这两句话,

[33] 画出→画出了

[34] 态度→状态

[35] 争斗说→斗争学说

[36] 民生主义→国民党的民生主义

[37] 反对~→他们反对~

[38] 共产派分子→共产党及左派分子

[39] 但→但是

[40] 不行→行不通的

[41] 世界上→世界上的

[42] 乃→是

[43] 革命→革命和

[44] 争斗→斗争

[45] 竖起→竖起了

[46] 赤→红

[47] 被压迫~→一切被压迫~

[48] 反革命分子→一切反革命分子

[49] 集→集合

[50] 必须赶快的→必定很快地

[51] 以→以其

[52] 个→一个

[53] 阶级→阶层

[54] 小员司、~小律师等→学生界、中小学教员、小员司、小事务员、小律师、小商人等

[55] ~注意。→~注意。自耕农和手工业主所经营的,都是小生产的经济。

[56] 这个阶级→这个小资产阶级内的各阶层

[57] 同在→同处在

[58] 虽~→对赵公元帅礼拜最勤,虽~

[59] 一尺长→一尺长的

[60] 小资产→小资产阶级

[61] 乃→是

[62] 恰足自给的→在经济上大体上可以自给的

[63] 部分人→一部分人

[64] 随着→而且因为

[65] 近年→近年以来

[66] 大中资产阶级→封建地主、买办大资产阶级

[67] 从前相等的劳力→和从前相等的劳动

[68] 起早晨→起早散晚

[69] 才能→方能

[70] 理由是:“洋人和司令的~”→(理由是:洋人和军阀的~)

[71] 但→但是

[72] 大概→大概占

[73] 小资产→小资产阶级

[74] 要亏本→生活下降

[75] 仅仅保等→仅仅可以保住

[76] 要亏本→生活下降

[77] 从前→过去

[78] 比一切人大→很大

[79] 一个不小的→是一个数量不小的

[80] 乃→是

[81] 说→所说

[82] 即→即到

[83] 小资产→小资产阶级

[84] 附和→附合

[85] 五三十运动→一九二五年的五三十运动

[86] 渐定→断定

[87] 半自耕农→绝大部分半自耕农

[88] 手工业工人→小手工业者,

[89] ~之六种→~等五种

[90] 乃→绝大部分半自耕农和贫农是

[91] 一个极大→一个数量极大的

[92] 一大半→主要

[93] 这三种农民~→半自耕农、贫农和小手工业者所经营的,都是更细小的小生产的经济。绝大部分半自耕农和贫农~

[94] 然→但其

[95] 有→大约有

[96] 种→租

[97] 作工或营小商→出卖一部分劳动力或经营小商

[98] 借贷→借债

[99] 不→无

[100] 境遇→景遇

[101] 然→但是

[102] 半益农→贫农

[103] 因→因为

[104] 半益农→贫农

[105] 一半→一半或不足一半

[106] 半益农→贫农

[107] 乡村→农村中

[108] 然→其

[109] 颇有分别→又分两部分

[110] 半益农→一部分贫农

[111] 数目→数量

[112] 流动资本→资金

[113] 农人→农民

[114] 种~→可以种~

[115] 勉强~→或出卖一部分劳动力勉强~

[116] 贫农→另一部分贫农

[117] 贫农→另一部分贫农

[118] 贫农→所谓另一部分贫农

[119] 既→则既

[120] 流动的资本→资金

[121] 田地→土地

[122] 所得无几。→所得无几,更需要出卖一部分劳动力。

[123] 丛杂→丛集

[124] 乃→他们是

[125] 手工业工人→小手工业者

[126] 因其自有工具→是因为他们虽然自有简单的生产手段

[127] 其~→但他们也常常被迫出卖一部分劳动力,其~

[128] 农业中半益农→农村中的贫农

[129] 因→因其

[130] 生活物价→生活费用

[131] 半益农→贫农

[132] 乃→是

[133] 中小商人→商店

[134] 事畜的费用→家庭的费用

[135] 增涨→增长

[136] 新例→薪给

[137] 一更→一增

[138] 手工业工人→贫农及小手工业者

[139] 工业~→现代工业~

[140] 约二百万→约二百万人

[141] 工业~→现代工业~

[142] 不多→人数不多

[143] 二百万→二百万左右的

[144] 产业→产业的工人

[145] 大多数→其中很大一个数量是

[146] ~之下→~的奴役下

[147] 虽不多→人数虽不多

[148] 却做了民族革命运动的主力→却是中国新的生产力的代表者,是近代中国最进步的阶级,做了革命运动的领导力量

[149] 及~→沙面罢工以及~

[150] 五三十→“五三十”

[151] 民族革命→中国革命

[152] 他们→他们的

[153] 工具→生产手段

[154] 买办阶级→资产阶级

[155] 惨酷→残酷

[156] 奋斗→战斗

[157] 苦力→苦力工人

[158] 都→亦

[159] 有其组织的→产业工人的

[160] 新式→新式的

[161] 农业→农村

[162] 乃→是

[163] 流动资本→资金

[164] 乃→是

[165] 要紧的→紧要的

[166] 游民无产阶级→此外,还有数量不小的游民无产者

[167] 乃→是

[168] 做了→曾经是

[169] 他们→他们的

[170] 争斗→斗争

[171] 机关→团体

[172] 乃→是

[173] 中国最大最难的问题→中国的困难的问题之一

[174] 引导得法→但有破坏性,如引导得法

[175] 一切~→综上所述,可知一切~

[176] 大地主,反动的知识阶级即所谓中国大资产阶级→大地主阶级以及付属于他们的一部分反动知识界

[177] 一切小资产阶级,半无产阶级无产阶级~→工业无产阶级是我们革命的领导力量。一切半无产阶级、小资产阶级~

[178] 我们的→我们最接近的

[179] 摇动→动摇

[180] 应该把他当做→可能是

[181] 可以→可能是

[182] 他→他们

[183] 他→他们

[184] 乱→扰乱
 


高兴

感动

同情

搞笑

难过

拍砖

支持

鲜花

发表评论 评论 (1 个评论)

回复 change? 2018-1-12 10:47
Selected Works of Mao Tse-tung

ANALYSIS OF THE CLASSES IN CHINESE SOCIETY
March 1926

This article was written by Comrade Mao Tse-tung to combat two deviations then to be found in the Party. The exponents of the first deviation, represented by Chen Tu-hsiu, were concerned only with co-operation with the Kuomintang and forgot about the peasants; this was Right opportunism. The exponents of the second deviation, represented by Chang Kuo-tao, were concerned only with the labour movement, and likewise forgot about the peasants; this was "Left" opportunism. Both were aware that their own strength was inadequate, but neither of them knew where to seek reinforcements or where to obtain allies on a mass scale. Comrade Mao Tse-tung pointed out that the peasantry was the staunchest and numerically the largest ally of the Chinese proletariat, and thus solved the problem of who was the chief ally in the Chinese revolution. Moreover, he saw that the national bourgeoisie was a vacillating class and predicted that it would disintegrate during the upsurge of the revolution, with its right-wing going over to the side of imperialism. This was borne out by the events of 1927.

Who are our enemies? Who are our friends? This is a question of the first importance for the revolution. The basic reason why all previous revolutionary struggles in China achieved so little was their failure to unite with real friends in order to attack real enemies. A revolutionary party is the guide of the masses, and no revolution ever succeeds when the revolutionary party leads them astray. To ensure that we will definitely achieve success in our revolution and will not lead the masses astray, we must pay attention to uniting with our real friends in order to attack our real enemies. To distinguish real friends from real enemies, we must make a general analysis of the economic status of the various classes in Chinese society and of their respective attitudes towards the revolution.

What is the condition of each of the classes in Chinese society?

The landlord class and the comprador class.[1] In economically backward and semi-colonial China the landlord class and the comprador class are wholly appendages of the international bourgeoisie, depending upon imperialism for their survival ant growth. These classes represent the most backward and most reactionary relations of production in China and hinder the development of her productive forces. Their existence is utterly incompatible with the aims of the Chinese revolution. The big landlord and big comprador classes in particular always side with imperialism and constitute an extreme counterrevolutionary group. Their political representatives are the Étatistes [2] and the right-wing of the Kuomintang.

The middle bourgeoisie. This class represents the capitalist relations of production in China in town and country. The middle bourgeoisie, by which is meant chiefly the national bourgeoisie, [3] is inconsistent in its attitude towards the Chinese revolution: they feel the need for revolution and favour the revolutionary movement against imperialism and the warlords when they are smarting under the blows of foreign capital and the oppression of the warlords, but they become suspicious of the revolution when they sense that, with the militant participation of the proletariat at home and the active support of the international proletariat abroad, the revolution is threatening the hope of their class to attain the status of a big bourgeoisie. Politically, they stand for the establishment of a state under the rule of a single class, the national bourgeoisie. A self-styled true disciple of Tai Chi-tao [4] wrote in the Chen Pao, [5] Peking, "Raise your left fist to knock down the imperialists and your right to knock down the Communists." These words depict the dilemma and anxiety of this class. It is against interpreting the Kuomintang's Principle of the People's Livelihood according to the theory of class struggle, and it opposes the Kuomintang's alliance with Russia and the admission of Communists [6] and left-wingers. But its attempt to establish a state under the rule of the national bourgeoisie is quite impracticable, because the present world situation is such that the two major forces, revolution and counter-revolution, are locked in final struggle. Each has hoisted a huge banner: one is the red banner of revolution held aloft by the Third International as the rallying point for all the oppressed classes of the world, the other is the white banner of counterrevolution held aloft by the League of Nations as the rallying point for all the counter-revolutionaries of the world. The intermediate classes are bound to disintegrate quickly, some sections turning left to join the revolution, others turning right to join the counter-revolution; there is no room for them to remain "independent". Therefore the idea cherished by China's middle bourgeoisie of an "independent" revolution in which it would play the primary role is a mere illusion.

The petty bourgeoisie. Included in this category are the owner-peasants, [7] the master handicraftsmen, the lower levels of the intellectuals--students, primary and secondary school teachers, lower government functionaries, office clerks, small lawyers--and the small traders. Both because of its size and class character, this class deserves very close attention. The owner-peasants and the master handicraftsmen are both engaged in small-scale production. Although all strata of this class have the same petty-bourgeois economic status, they fall into three different sections. The first section consists of those who have some surplus money or grain, that is, those who, by manual or mental labour, earn more each year than they consume for their own support. Such people very much want to get rich and are devout worshipers of Marshal Chao; [8] while they have no illusions about amassing great fortunes, they invariably desire to climb up into the middle bourgeoisie. Their mouths water copiously when they see the respect in which those small moneybags are held. People of this sort are timid, afraid of government officials, and also a little afraid of the revolution. Since they are quite close to the middle bourgeoisie in economic status, they have a lot of faith in its propaganda and are suspicious of the revolution. This section is a minority among the petty bourgeoisie and constitutes its right-wing. The second section consists of those who in the main are economically self-supporting. They are quite different from the people in the first section; they also want to get rich, but Marshal Chao never lets them. In recent years, moreover, suffering from the oppression and exploitation of the imperialists, the warlords, the feudal landlords and the big comprador-bourgeoisie, they have become aware that the world is no longer what it was. They feel they cannot earn enough to live on by just putting in as much work as before. To make both ends meet they have to work longer hours, get up earlier, leave off later, and be doubly careful at their work. They become rather abusive, denouncing the foreigners as "foreign devils", the warlords as "robber generals" and the local tyrants and evil gentry as "the heartless rich". As for the movement against the imperialists and the warlords, they; merely doubt whether it can succeed (on the ground that the foreigners and the warlords seem so powerful), hesitate to join it and prefer to be neutral, but they never oppose the revolution. This section is very numerous, making up about one-half of the petty bourgeoisie.

The third section consists of those whose standard of living is falling. Many in this section, who originally belonged to better-off families, are undergoing a gradual change from a position of being barely able to manage to one of living in more and more reduced circumstances. When they come to settle their accounts at the end of each year, they are shocked, exclaiming, "What? Another deficit!" As such people have seen better days and are now going downhill with every passing year, their debts mounting and their life becoming more and more miserable, they "shudder at the thought of the future". They are in great mental distress because there is such a contrast between their past and their present. Such people are quite important for the revolutionary movement; they form a mass of no small proportions and are the left-wing of the petty bourgeoisie. In normal times these three sections of the petty bourgeoisie differ in their attitude to the revolution. But in times of war, that is, when the tide of the revolution runs high and the dawn of victory is in sight, not only will the left-wing of the petty bourgeoisie join the revolution, but the middle section too may join, and even tight-wingers, swept forward by the great revolutionary tide of the proletariat and of the left-wing of the petty bourgeoisie, will have to go along with the "evolution." We can see from the experience of the May 30th Movement [9] of 1925 and the peasant movement in various places that this conclusion is correct.

The semi-proletariat. What is here called the semi-proletariat consists of five categories: (1) the overwhelming majority of the semi-owner peasants, [10] (2) the poor peasants, (3) the small handicraftsmen, (4) the shop assistants [11] and (5) the pedlars. The overwhelming majority of the semi-owner peasants together with the poor peasants constitute a very large part of the rural masses. The peasant problem is essentially their problem. The semi-owner peasants, the poor peasants and the small handicraftsmen are engaged in production on a still smaller scale than the owner-peasants and the master handicraftsmen. Although both the overwhelming majority of the semi-owner peasants and the poor peasants belong to the semi-proletariat, they may be further divided into three smaller categories, upper, middle and lower, according to their economic condition. The semi-owner peasants are worse off than the owner-peasants because every year they are short of about half the food they need, and have to make up this deficit by renting land from others, selling part of their labour power, or engaging in petty trading. In late spring and early summer when the crop is still in the blade and the old stock is consumed, they borrow at exorbitant rates of interest and buy grain at high prices; their plight is naturally harder than that of the owner-peasants' who need no help from others, but they are better off than the poor' peasants. For the poor peasants own no land, and receive only half the harvest or even less for their year's toil, while the semi-owner` peasants, though receiving only half or less than half the harvest of land rented from others, can keep the entire crop from the land they own. The semi-owner peasants are therefore more revolutionary than the owner-peasants, but less revolutionary than the poor peasants. The poor peasants are tenant-peasants who are exploited by the landlords. They may again be divided into two categories according to their economic status. One category has comparatively adequate farm implements and some funds. Such peasants may retain half the product of their year's toil. To make up their deficit they cultivate side crops, catch fish or shrimps, raise poultry or pigs, or sell part of their labour power, and thus eke out a living, hoping in the midst of hardship and destitution to tide over the year. Thus their life is harder than that of the semi-owner peasants, but they are better off than the other category of poor peasants. They ate more revolutionary than the semi-owner peasants, but less revolutionary than the other category of poor peasants. As for the latter, they have neither adequate farm implements nor funds nor enough manure, their crops are poor, and, with little left after paying rent, they have even greater need to sell part of their labour power. In hard times they piteously beg help from relatives and friends, borrowing a few tou or sheng of grain to last them a few days, and their debts pile up like loads on the backs of oxen. They are the worst off among the peasants and are highly receptive to revolutionary propaganda. The small handicraftsmen are called semi-proletarians because, though they own some simple means of production and moreover are self-employed, they too are often forced to sell part of their labour power and are somewhat similar to the poor peasants in economic status. They feel the constant pinch of poverty and dread of unemployment, because of heavy family burdens and the gap between their earnings and the cost of living; in this respect too they largely resemble the poor peasants. The shop assistants are employees of shops and stores, supporting their families on meagre pay and getting an increase perhaps only once in several years while prices rise every year. If by chance you get into intimate conversation with them, they invariably pour out their endless grievances. Roughly the same in status as the poor peasants and the small handicraftsmen, they are highly receptive to revolutionary propaganda. The pedlars, whether they carry their wares around on a pole or set up stalls along the street, have tiny funds and very small earnings, and do not make enough to feed and clothe themselves. Their status is roughly the same as that of the poor peasants, and like the poor peasants they need a revolution to change the existing state of affairs.

The proletariat. The modern industrial proletariat numbers about two million. It is not large because China is economically backward. These two million industrial workers are mainly employed in five industries--railways, mining, maritime transport, textiles and shipbuilding--and a great number are enslaved in enterprises owned by foreign capitalists. Though not very numerous, the industrial proletariat represents China's new productive forces, is the most progressive class in modern China and has become the leading force in the revolutionary movement. We can see the important position of the industrial proletariat in the Chinese revolution from the strength it has displayed in the strikes of the last four years, such as the seamen's strikes, [12] the railway strike, [13] the strikes in the Kailan and Tsiaotso coal mines, [14] the Shameen strike [15] and the general strikes in Shanghai and Hong Kong [16] after the May 30th Incident. The first reason why the industrial workers hold this position is their concentration. No other section of the people is so concentrated. The second reason is their low economic status. They have been deprived of all means of production, have nothing left but their hands, have no hope of ever becoming rich and, moreover, are subjected to the most ruthless treatment by the imperialists, the warlords and the bourgeoisie. That is why they are particularly good fighters. The coolies in the cities are also a force meriting attention. They are mostly dockers and rickshaw men, and among them, too, are sewage carters and street cleaners. Possessing nothing but their hands, they are similar in economic status to the industrial workers but are less concentrated and play a less important role in production. There is as yet little modern capitalist farming in China. By rural proletariat we mean farm labourers hired by the year, the month or the day. Having neither land, farm implements nor funds, they can live only by selling their labour power. Of all the workers they work the longest hours, for the lowest wages, under the worst conditions, and with the least security of employment. They are the most hard-pressed people in the villages, and their position in the peasant movement is as important as that of the poor peasants.

Apart from all these, there is the fairly large lumpen-proletariat, made up of peasants who have lost their land and handicraftsmen who cannot get work. They lead the most precarious existence of all. In every part of the country they have their secret societies, which were originally their mutual-aid organizations for political and economic struggle, for instance, the Triad Society in Fukien and Kwangtung, the Society of Brothers in Hunan, Hupeh, Kweichow and Szechuan, the Big Sword Society in Anhwei, Honan and Shantung, the Rational Life Society in Chihli [17] and the three northeastern provinces, and the Green Band in Shanghai and elsewhere [18] One of China's difficult problems is how to handle these people. Brave fighters but apt to be destructive, they can become a revolutionary force if given proper guidance.

To sum up, it can be seen that our enemies are all those in league with imperialism--the warlords, the bureaucrats, the comprador class, the big landlord class and the reactionary section of the intelligentsia attached to them. The leading force in our revolution is the industrial proletariat. Our closest friends are the entire semi-proletariat and petty bourgeoisie. As for the vacillating middle bourgeoisie, their right-wing may become our enemy and their left-wing may become our friend but we must be constantly on our guard and not let them create confusion within our ranks.

NOTES
1 A comprador, in the original sense of the word, was the Chinese manages or the senior Chinese employee in a foreign commercial establishment. The compradors served foreign economic interests and bad close connection with imperialism and foreign capital.

2 The Étatistes were a handful of shameless fascist politicians who at that time formed the Chinese Étatiste Youth League, later renamed the Chinese Youth Party. They made counter-revolutionary careers for themselves by opposing the Communist Party and the Soviet Union and received subsidies from the various groups of reactionaries in power and from the imperialists.

3 For further discussion of the role of the national bourgeoisie, see "The Chinese Revolution and the Chinese Communist Party", Chapter 2, Section 4, Selected Works of Mao Tse-tung, Vol. II.

4 Tai Chi-tao joined the Kuomintang in his youth and for a time was Chiang Kai-shek's partner in stock exchange speculation. After Sun Yat-sen's death in 1925 he carried on anti-Communist agitation and prepared the ground ideologically for Chiang Kai-shek's counter-revolutionary coup d'état in 1927. For years be was a faithful running dog to Chiang Kai-shek in the counter-revolution. He committed suicide in February 1949, driven to despair by the imminent doom of Chiang Kai-shek's regime.

5 The Chen Pao was the organ of the Association for the Study of Constitutional Government, a political group which supported the rule of the Northern warlords.

6 In 1923 Sun Yat-sen, with the help of the Chinese Communist Party, decided to reorganize the Kuomintang bring about Kuomintang-Communist co-operation and admit members of the Communist Party into the Kuomintang. In January 1924 he convened in Canton the Kuomintang's First National Congress at which he laid down the Three Great Policies--alliance with Russia, co-operation with the Communist Party and assistance to the peasants and workers. Mao Tse-tung, Li Ta-chao, Lin Po-chu, Chu Chiu-pai and other comrades attended the Congress and played an important part in helping the Kuomintang to take the road of revolution. Some of these comrades were elected members, and others alternate members, of the Central Executive Committee of the Kuomintang.

7 By owner-peasants Comrade Mao Tse-tung means the middle peasants.

8 Marshal Chao is Chao Kung-ming, God of Wealth in Chinese folklore.

9 The May 30th Movement was the nation-wide anti-imperialist movement in protest against the massacre of the Chinese people by the British police in Shanghai on May 30 1925. Earlier that month, major strikes had broken out in Japanese-owned textile mills in Tsingtao and Shanghai, which the Japanese imperialists and the Northern warlords who were their running dogs proceeded to suppress. On May 15 the Japanese textile mill-owners in Shanghai shot and killed the worker Ku Cheng-hung and wounded a dozen others. On May 28 eight workers were slaughtered by the reactionary government in Tsingtao. On May 30 more than two thousand students in Shanghai agitated in the foreign concessions in support of the workers and for the recovery of the foreign concessions. They rallied more than ten thousand people before the British police headquarters, shouting such slogans as "Down with imperialism!" and "People of China, unite!" The British imperialist police opened fire, killing and wounding many students. This became known as the May 30th Massacre. It immediately aroused country-wide indignation, and demonstrations and strikes of workers, students and shopkeepers were held everywhere, forming a tremendous anti-imperialist movement.

10 By "the overwhelming majority of the semi-owner peasants", Comrade Mao Tse-tung is here referring to the impoverished peasants who worked partly on their own land and partly on land rented from others.

11 There were several strata of shop assistants in old China. Here Comrade Mao Tse-tung is referring to the largest. There was also the lower stratum of shop assistants who led the life of proletarians.

12 The seamen's strikes were staged by the seamen at Hongkong and by the crews of the Yangtse River steamers early in 1922. The Hongkong seamen held out for eight weeks. After a bitter and bloody struggle, the British imperialist authorities in Hongkong were finally forced to raise wages, lift the ban on the Seamen's Union, release the arrested workers and indemnify the families of the martyrs. The crews of the Yangtze steamers went on strike soon afterwards, carried on the struggle for two weeks and also won victory.

13 Immediately after its founding in 1922-23 the Chinese Communist Party set about organizing the railway worker. In 1922-23 strikes took place under the Party's leadership on all the trunk lines. The best known was the general strike on the Peking-Hankow Railway which began on February 4, 1923. It was a fight for the freedom to organize a general trade union. On February 7 the Northern warlords Wu Pei-fu and Hsiao Yao-nan, who were backed by British imperialism, butchered the strikers. This became known as the February 7th Massacre.

14 The Kailan Coal Mines was an inclusive name for the large contiguous Kaiping and Luanchow coalfields in Hopei Province, then employing over fifty thousand workers. During the Yi Ho Tuan Movement of 1900 the British imperialists seized the Kaiping mines. Subsequently the Chinese organized the Luanchow Coal Mining Company, which was later incorporated into the Kailan Mining Administration. Both coalfields thus came under the exclusive control of British imperialism. The Kailan strike took place in October 1922. The Tsiaotso Coal Mines, situated in Honan Province, are also well known in China. The Tsiaotso strike lasted from July 1 to August 9, 1925

15 Shameen, a section of the city of Canton, was held on lease by British imperialism. In July 1924 the British imperialists who ruled it issued a new police regulation requiring all Chinese to produce passes with photos on leaving or entering the area. But foreigners were exempt. On July 15 the workers in Shameen went on strike to protest against this preposterous measure, which the British imperialists were finally forced to cancel.

16 Following the May 30th Incident in Shanghai, general strikes broke out on June 1, 1925 in Shanghai and on June 19 in Hong Kong. More than 200,000 workers took part in Shanghai and 250,000 in Hong Kong. The big Hong Kong strike, with the support of the people throughout the country, lasted sixteen months. It was the longest strike in the history of the world labour movement.

17 Chihli was the old name for Hopei Province.

18 The Triad Society, the Society of Brothers, the Big Sword Society, the Rational Life Society and the Green Band were primitive secret organizations among the people. The members were mainly bankrupt peasants, unemployed handicraftsmen and other lumpen-proletarians. In feudal China these elements were often drawn together by come religion or superstition to form organizations of a patriarchal pattern and bearing different names and some possessed arms. Through these organizations the lumpen-proletarians sought to help each other socially and economically, and sometimes fought the bureaucrats and landlords who oppressed them. Of course, such backward organizations could not provide a way out for the peasants and handicraftsmen. Furthermore, they could easily be controlled and utilized by the landlords and local tyrants and, because of this and of their blind destructiveness, come turned into reactionary forces. In his counter-revolutionary coup d'etat of 1927 Chiang Kai-shek made use of them to disrupt the unity of the labouring people and destroy the revolution. As the modern industrial proletariat arose and grew from strength to strength, the peasants, under the leadership of the working class, gradually formed themselves into organizations of an entirely new type, and these primitive, backward societies lost their raison d'etre.

Trans***ion by the Maoist Documentation Project.
HTML revised 2004 by ***

facelist doodle 涂鸦板

您需要登录后才可以评论 登录 | 注册

关于本站 | 隐私政策 | 免责条款 | 版权声明 | 联络我们 | 刊登广告 | 转手机版 | APP下载

Copyright © 2001-2013 海外华人中文门户:倍可亲 (http://www.backchina.com) All Rights Reserved.

程序系统基于 Discuz! X3.1 商业版 优化 Discuz! © 2001-2013 Comsenz Inc. 更新:GMT+8, 2018-1-12 10:50

倍可亲服务器位于美国圣何塞、西雅图和达拉斯顶级数据中心,为更好服务全球网友特统一使用京港台时间

返回顶部