这不是时间上的巧合,而是美国出卖瘟贼的真正原因

作者:weileguojia  于 2012-10-27 03:39 发表于 最热闹的华人社交网络--贝壳村

通用分类:政经军事|已有5评论

中国央行行长为垄断辩护 公然和温家宝唱反调
中国人民银行行长周小川在《金融研究》杂志第九期发文:《金融危机中关于救助问题的争论》,其中谈到银行业获得高额垄断利润时说:中国除了工、农、中、建、交等大型银行,还有数百家各种类型的中小商业银行,还不包括2000多家农村信用社和村镇银行,因此说银行业垄断恐怕站不住脚。他还说,目前银行业盈利能力较强、利润较高也是客观存在的,其背后有一些原因,但显然不是垄断造成的。

  这和今年4月温家宝在南方调研时的讲法大相径庭。温家宝在谈到融资成本时,是说:“其实我这里坦率地讲,我们银行获得利润太容易了。为什么呢?就是少数几大家银行处于垄断地位,只能到它那儿贷款才贷得来,别的地方很困难。我们现在所以解决民营资本进入金融领域,根本来讲,就是要打破垄断。中央已经统一了这个思想。”

  原来,温家宝所言“统一思想”并不包括身为央行行长的中央委员周小川。说起银行业,它是一个不直接创造财富,提供中间产品,通过金融服务推动企业和产业发展的行业。然而,今年一季度,在香港上市的中资企业中,惟银行股一支独秀,获利将近一半。想一想,实体经济不振,银行业高增长,以至于有的银行行长说利润高得都不好意思公布了,这样的旱涝保守是如何可能的?中国银行业是高度行政垄断行业,其高福利并非来自经营有方而是依靠垄断利润,这本是不言自明。然而,周小川罔顾事实,为什么?是基于他的认知、利益,还是政治?在金融当局,持周小川观点的并非独一无二。两年前,在一个论坛上,中国建设银行副行长陈佐夫就说:银行业除了四大银行以外,还有几十家股份制银行,上百家地方性商业银行,还有一大批外资银行,尽管不能说竞争非常充分,但是不能说是垄断的。”

  周小川的论证和陈副行长的论证如出一辙。如果说建行行长代表商业银行的自身利益,希望维持其垄断地位攫取垄断利润的话,那么,以制定和执行货币政策,维护金融稳定,提供金融服务为职责的央行行长怎么也会偏向国有大银行?违背其作为国家银行的职责立场呢?继而需要追问的是,当行长(部长)和总理意见相左时,事关银行业的政策决策由谁来拍板,又是听取谁的咨询意见?显然,财金当局并无“统一思想”,占压倒地位的力量是使银行业运行继续远离市场经济准则,垄断深不可破。

温JB在开两会的时候,一字一顿,咬牙切齿,最后真的把薄给钉死.弄三百人专案组,不钉死薄十八大开会日期都不定,怕薄上抬搞倒你温家.你温JB位高权重,先下手为强.还有脸坐在18大主席台上?!
纽时真狠:再曝温家宝家人37亿美元股权是收受的(图)
「纽约时报」上个月报导中国总理温家宝家人拥有巨额资产,促使温家宝公开明志以示清白后,该报24日又刊出报导,描述温家宝曾协助中国平安保险集团渡过难关,他的亲人也获得价值几十亿元的股权。

  报导中说,平安保险集团董事长马明哲1999年向当时担任副总理的温家宝和当时的中国央行行长戴相龙陈情,促其放宽亚洲金融危机后施行的法规,以免财务窘困的该公司被迫遭分割。

  平安保险后来获得保全,并成为市值500亿元的中国最大金融服务机构之一。在幕后,平安保险否极泰来后,温家宝的亲人获得了价值几十亿元的公司股票。

  平安保险向「纽时」发表声明说,该公司严格遵守法规,可是不知道股东背后所有实体的背景。该公司也宣称,股东彼此买卖股票是他们的正当权利。

  「纽约时报」报导温家宝的亲人在他晋入最高领导阶层后财富剧增,资产遍及度假村、银行、珠宝、电讯和其他企业。「纽时」的调查发现,其中最大的财富来源,是温家人在平安保险获准豁免分割规定大约八个月后购入的平安股票。

  管制机构和公司纪录显示,在大多数投资者可以购买平安股票之前,由温家人控制的泰鸿控股公司,就从拥有平安股权的国营实体获得大笔股权,而且泰鸿2002年12月购入的价格,只有英国汇丰控股公司两个月前购股价码的四分之一。

  到2004年6月,温家人拥有的股权价值涨到原来的四倍。到2007年,泰鸿原来投资的6500万美元已价值37亿美元。

  「纽时」指出,几千页公开的公司文件显示,温家人的平安股票不是用自己的名字直接持有,而是透过层层隐晦的合伙机构隐匿。

  公司纪录显示,温家人拥有的股权很可能在2007年底达到22亿元的高峰,之后,泰鸿的股东纪录就不再公开。由于泰鸿不再列入平安保险公开申报的资料里,温家人是否继续持股不得而知。

  亚洲金融风暴后,中国因担心金融体系的稳定,在1999年规定大金融机构分割。温家宝和戴相龙是否曾亲自介入,使平安保险豁免分割,或温家宝知不知道亲人拥有平安股票,也不得而知。

  平安保险公司内部文件、向政府申报的纪录、与银行家和平安保险前高级主管进行的访谈,都显示当时的副总理办公室和中央银行都曾参与平安保险申请豁免的会议,也有权力签署豁免。

  纪录显示,只有另外两家大规模的国营金融机构获得类似的豁免,三家国营的大保险公司则被迫分割。

  北京的中国外交部没有应要求对这篇报导置评。外交部发言人早先曾尖锐批评「纽时」调查温家人的财务,斥之为「别具用心抹黑中国和中国领导人」。

  代表温家的律师也驳斥「纽时」报导不实,并宣称他们保留法律追诉权。中国政府则封锁「纽时」在中国的英文和中文网站。

如果没这事情,封网干吗?大大方方接受纽约时报的采访,哪些是假的一一说清楚.
强烈呼吁国际社会介入温家宝薄熙来的事件调查。因为我们已经不相信中央会秉公办事
对温家宝的爆料和对薄熙来的爆料态度天壤之别


The mother of China’s prime minister was a schoolteacher in northern China. His father was ordered to tend pigs in one of Mao’s political campaigns. And during childhood, “my family was extremely poor,” the prime minister, Wen Jiabao, said in a speech last year.

But now 90, the prime minister’s mother, Yang Zhiyun, not only left poverty behind, she became outright rich, at least on paper, according to corporate and regulatory records. Just one investment in her name, in a large Chinese financial services company, had a value of $120 million five years ago, the records show.

The details of how Ms. Yang, a widow, accumulated such wealth are not known, or even if she was aware of the holdings in her name. But it happened after her son was elevated to China’s ruling elite, first in 1998 as vice prime minister and then five years later as prime minister.

Many relatives of Wen Jiabao, including his son, daughter, younger brother and brother-in-law, have become extraordinarily wealthy during his leadership, an investigation by The New York Times shows. A review of corporate and regulatory records indicates that the prime minister’s relatives — some of whom, including his wife, have a knack for aggressive deal making — have controlled assets worth at least $2.7 billion.

In many cases, the names of the relatives have been hidden behind layers of partnerships and investment vehicles involving friends, work colleagues and business partners. Untangling their financial holdings provides an unusually detailed look at how politically connected people have profited from being at the intersection of government and business as state influence and private wealth converge in China’s fast-growing economy.

Unlike most new businesses in China, the family’s ventures sometimes received financial backing from state-owned companies, including China Mobile, one of the country’s biggest phone operators, the documents show. At other times, the ventures won support from some of Asia’s richest tycoons. The Times found that Mr. Wen’s relatives accumulated shares in banks, jewelers, tourist resorts, telecommunications companies and infrastructure projects, sometimes by using offshore entities.

The holdings include a villa development project in Beijing; a tire factory in northern China; a company that helped build some of Beijing’s Olympic stadiums, including the well-known “Bird’s Nest”; and Ping An Insurance, one of the world’s biggest financial services companies.

As prime minister in an economy that remains heavily state-driven, Mr. Wen, who is best known for his simple ways and common touch, more importantly has broad authority over the major industries where his relatives have made their fortunes. Chinese companies cannot list their shares on a stock exchange without approval from agencies overseen by Mr. Wen, for example. He also has the power to influence investments in strategic sectors like energy and telecommunications.

Because the Chinese government rarely makes its deliberations public, it is not known what role — if any — Mr. Wen, who is 70, has played in most policy or regulatory decisions. But in some cases, his relatives have sought to profit from opportunities made possible by those decisions.

The prime minister’s younger brother, for example, has a company that was awarded more than $30 million in government contracts and subsidies to handle wastewater treatment and medical waste disposal for some of China’s biggest cities, according to estimates based on government records. The contracts were announced after Mr. Wen ordered tougher regulations on medical waste disposal in 2003 after the SARS outbreak.

In 2004, after the State Council, a government body Mr. Wen presides over, exempted Ping An Insurance and other companies from rules that limited their scope, Ping An went on to raise $1.8 billion in an initial public offering of stock. Partnerships controlled by Mr. Wen’s relatives — along with their friends and colleagues — made a fortune by investing in the company before the public offering.

In 2007, the last year the stock holdings were disclosed in public documents, those partnerships held as much as $2.2 billion worth of Ping An stock, according to an accounting of the investments by The Times that was verified by outside auditors. Ping An’s overall market value is now nearly $60 billion.

Ping An said in a statement that the company did “not know the background of the entities behind our shareholders.” The statement said, “Ping An has no means to know the intentions behind shareholders when they buy and sell our shares.”

While Communist Party regulations call for top officials to disclose their wealth and that of their immediate family members, no law or regulation prohibits relatives of even the most senior officials from becoming deal-makers or major investors — a loophole that effectively allows them to trade on their family name. Some Chinese argue that permitting the families of Communist Party leaders to profit from the country’s long economic boom has been important to ensuring elite support for market-oriented reforms.

Even so, the business dealings of Mr. Wen’s relatives have sometimes been hidden in ways that suggest the relatives are eager to avoid public scrutiny, the records filed with Chinese regulatory authorities show. Their ownership stakes are often veiled by an intricate web of holdings as many as five steps removed from the operating companies, according to the review.

In the case of Mr. Wen’s mother, The Times calculated her stake in Ping An — valued at $120 million in 2007 — by examining public records and government-issued identity cards, and by following the ownership trail to three Chinese investment entities. The name recorded on his mother’s shares was Taihong, a holding company registered in Tianjin, the prime minister’s hometown.

The apparent efforts to conceal the wealth reflect the highly charged politics surrounding the country’s ruling elite, many of whom are also enormously wealthy but reluctant to draw attention to their riches. When Bloomberg News reported in June that the extended family of Vice President Xi Jinping, set to become China’s next president, had amassed hundreds of millions of dollars in assets, the Chinese government blocked access inside the country to the Bloomberg Web site.

“In the senior leadership, there’s no family that doesn’t have these problems,” said a former government colleague of Wen Jiabao who has known him for more than 20 years and who spoke on the condition of anonymity. “His enemies are intentionally trying to smear him by letting this leak out.”

The Times presented its findings to the Chinese government for comment. The Foreign Ministry declined to respond to questions about the investments, the prime minister or his relatives. Members of Mr. Wen’s family also declined to comment or did not respond to requests for comment.

Duan Weihong, a wealthy businesswoman whose company, Taihong, was the investment vehicle for the Ping An shares held by the prime minister’s mother and other relatives, said the investments were actually her own. Ms. Duan, who comes from the prime minister’s hometown and is a close friend of his wife, said ownership of the shares was listed in the names of Mr. Wen’s relatives in an effort to conceal the size of Ms. Duan’s own holdings.

“When I invested in Ping An I didn’t want to be written about,” Ms. Duan said, “so I had my relatives find some other people to hold these shares for me.”

But it was an “accident,” she said, that her company chose the relatives of the prime minister as the listed shareholders — a process that required registering their official ID numbers and obtaining their signatures. Until presented with the names of the investors by The Times, she said, she had no idea that they had selected the relatives of Wen Jiabao.

The review of the corporate and regulatory records, which covers 1992 to 2012, found no holdings in Mr. Wen’s name. And it was not possible to determine from the documents whether he recused himself from any decisions that might have affected his relatives’ holdings, or whether they received preferential treatment on investments.

For much of his tenure, Wen Jiabao has been at the center of rumors and conjecture about efforts by his relatives to profit from his position. Yet until the review by The Times, there has been no detailed accounting of the family’s riches.

His wife, Zhang Beili, is one of the country’s leading authorities on jewelry and gemstones and is an accomplished businesswoman in her own right. By managing state diamond companies that were later privatized, The Times found, she helped her relatives parlay their minority stakes into a billion-dollar portfolio of insurance, technology and real estate ventures.

The couple’s only son sold a technology company he started to the family of Hong Kong’s richest man, Li Ka-shing, for $10 million, and used another investment vehicle to establish New Horizon Capital, now one of China’s biggest private equity firms, with partners like the government of Singapore, according to records and interviews with bankers.

The prime minister’s younger brother, Wen Jiahong, controls $200 million in assets, including wastewater treatment plants and recycling businesses, the records show.

As prime minister, Mr. Wen has staked out a position as a populist and a reformer, someone whom the state-run media has nicknamed “the People’s Premier” and “Grandpa Wen” because of his frequent outings to meet ordinary people, especially in moments of crisis like natural disasters.

While it is unclear how much the prime minister knows about his family’s wealth, State Department documents released by the WikiLeaks organization in 2010 included a cable that suggested Mr. Wen was aware of his relatives’ business dealings and unhappy about them.

“Wen is disgusted with his family’s activities, but is either unable or unwilling to curtail them,” a Chinese-born executive working at an American company in Shanghai told American diplomats, according to the 2007 cable.

China’s ‘Diamond Queen’

It is no secret in China’s elite circles that the prime minister’s wife, Zhang Beili, is rich, and that she has helped control the nation’s jewelry and gem trade. But her lucrative diamond businesses became an off-the-charts success only as her husband moved into the country’s top leadership ranks, the review of corporate and regulatory records by The Times found.

A geologist with an expertise in gemstones, Ms. Zhang is largely unknown among ordinary Chinese. She rarely travels with the prime minister or appears with him, and there are few official photographs of the couple together. And while people who have worked with her say she has a taste for jade and fine diamonds, they say she usually dresses modestly, does not exude glamour and prefers to wield influence behind the scenes, much like the relatives of other senior leaders.

The State Department documents released by WikiLeaks included a suggestion that Mr. Wen had once considered divorcing Ms. Zhang because she had exploited their relationship in her diamond trades. Taiwanese television reported in 2007 that Ms. Zhang had bought a pair of jade earrings worth about $275,000 at a Beijing trade show, though the source — a Taiwanese trader — later backed off the claim and Chinese government censors moved swiftly to block coverage of the subject in China, according to news reports at the time.

“Her business activities are known to everyone in the leadership,” said one banker who worked with relatives of Wen Jiabao. The banker said it was not unusual for her office to call upon businesspeople. “And if you get that call, how can you say no?”

Zhang Beili first gained influence in the 1990s, while working as a regulator at the Ministry of Geology. At the time, China’s jewelry market was still in its infancy.

While her husband was serving in China’s main leadership compound, known as Zhongnanhai, Ms. Zhang was setting industry standards in the jewelry and gem trade. She helped create the National Gemstone Testing Center in Beijing, and the Shanghai Diamond Exchange, two of the industry’s most powerful institutions.

In a country where the state has long dominated the marketplace, jewelry regulators often decided which companies could set up diamond-processing factories, and which would gain entry to the retail jewelry market. State regulators even formulated rules that required diamond sellers to buy certificates of authenticity for any diamond sold in China, from the government-run testing center in Beijing, which Ms. Zhang managed.

As a result, when executives from Cartier or De Beers visited China with hopes of selling diamonds and jewelry here, they often went to visit Ms. Zhang, who became known as China’s “diamond queen.”

“She’s the most important person there,” said Gaetano Cavalieri, president of the World Jewelry Confederation in Switzerland. “She was bridging relations between partners — Chinese and foreign partners.”

As early as 1992, people who worked with Ms. Zhang said, she had begun to blur the line between government official and businesswoman. As head of the state-owned China Mineral and Gem Corporation, she began investing the state company’s money in start-ups. And by the time her husband was named vice premier, in 1998, she was busy setting up business ventures with friends and relatives.

The state company she ran invested in a group of affiliated diamond companies, according to public records. Many of them were run by Ms. Zhang’s relatives — or colleagues who had worked with her at the National Gemstone Testing Center.

In 1993, for instance, the state company Ms. Zhang ran helped found Beijing Diamond, a big jewelry retailer. A year later, one of her younger brothers, Zhang Jianming, and two of her government colleagues personally acquired 80 percent of the company, according to shareholder registers. Beijing Diamond invested in Shenzhen Diamond, which was controlled by her brother-in-law, Wen Jiahong, the prime minister’s younger brother.

Among the successful undertakings was Sino-Diamond, a venture financed by the state-owned China Mineral and Gem Corporation, which she headed. The company had business ties with a state-owned company managed by another brother, Zhang Jiankun, who worked as an official in Jiaxing, Ms. Zhang’s hometown, in Zhejiang Province.

In the summer of 1999, after securing agreements to import diamonds from Russia and South Africa, Sino-Diamond went public, raising $50 million on the Shanghai Stock Exchange. The offering netted Ms. Zhang’s family about $8 million, according to corporate filings.

Although she was never listed as a shareholder, former colleagues and business partners say Ms. Zhang’s early diamond partnerships were the nucleus of a larger portfolio of companies she would later help her family and colleagues gain a stake in.

The Times found no indication that Wen Jiabao used his political clout to influence the diamond companies his relatives invested in. But former business partners said that the family’s success in diamonds, and beyond, was often bolstered with financial backing from wealthy businessmen who sought to curry favor with the prime minister’s family.

“After Wen became prime minister, his wife sold off some of her diamond investments and moved into new things,” said a Chinese executive who did business with the family. He asked not to be named because of fear of government retaliation. Corporate records show that beginning in the late 1990s, a series of rich businessmen took turns buying up large stakes in the diamond companies, often from relatives of Mr. Wen, and then helped them reinvest in other lucrative ventures, like real estate and finance.

According to corporate records and interviews, the businessmen often supplied accountants and office space to investment partnerships partly controlled by the relatives.

“When they formed companies,” said one businessman who set up a company with members of the Wen family, “Ms. Zhang stayed in the background. That’s how it worked.”

The Only Son

Late one evening early this year, the prime minister’s only son, Wen Yunsong, was in the cigar lounge at Xiu, an upscale bar and lounge at the Park Hyatt in Beijing. He was having cocktails as Beijing’s nouveau riche gathered around, clutching designer bags and wearing expensive business suits, according to two guests who were present.

In China, the children of senior leaders are widely believed to be in a class of their own. Known as “princelings,” they often hold Ivy League degrees, get V.I.P. treatment, and are even offered preferred pricing on shares in hot stock offerings.

They are also known as people who can get things done in China’s heavily regulated marketplace, where the state controls access. And in recent years, few princelings have been as bold as the younger Mr. Wen, who goes by the English name Winston and is about 40 years old.

A Times review of Winston Wen’s investments, and interviews with people who have known him for years, show that his deal-making has been extensive and lucrative, even by the standards of his princeling peers.

State-run giants like China Mobile have formed start-ups with him. In recent years, Winston Wen has been in talks with Hollywood studios about a financing deal.

Concerned that China does not have an elite boarding school for Chinese students, he recently hired the headmasters of Choate and Hotchkiss in Connecticut to oversee the creation of a $150 million private school now being built in the Beijing suburbs.

Winston Wen and his wife, moreover, have stakes in the technology industry and an electric company, as well as an indirect stake in Union Mobile Pay, the government-backed online payment platform — all while living in the prime minister’s residence, in central Beijing, according to corporate records and people familiar with the family’s investments.

“He’s not shy about using his influence to get things done,” said one venture capitalist who regularly meets with Winston Wen.

The younger Mr. Wen declined to comment. But in a telephone interview, his wife, Yang Xiaomeng, said her husband had been unfairly criticized for his business dealings.

“Everything that has been written about him has been wrong,” she said. “He’s really not doing that much business anymore.”

Winston Wen was educated in Beijing and then earned an engineering degree from the Beijing Institute of Technology. He went abroad and earned a master’s degree in engineering materials from the University of Windsor, in Canada, and an M.B.A. from the Kellogg School of Business at Northwestern University in Evanston, Ill., just outside Chicago.

When he returned to China in 2000, he helped set up three successful technology companies in five years, according to people familiar with those deals. Two of them were sold to Hong Kong businessmen, one to the family of Li Ka-shing, one of the wealthiest men in Asia.

Winston Wen’s earliest venture, an Internet data services provider called Unihub Global, was founded in 2000 with $2 million in start-up capital, according to Hong Kong and Beijing corporate filings. Financing came from a tight-knit group of relatives and his mother’s former colleagues from government and the diamond trade, as well as an associate of Cheng Yu-tung, patriarch of Hong Kong’s second-wealthiest family. The firm’s earliest customers were state-owned brokerage houses and Ping An, in which the Wen family has held a large financial stake.

He made an even bolder move in 2005, by pushing into private equity when he formed New Horizon Capital with a group of Chinese-born classmates from Northwestern. The firm quickly raised $100 million from investors, including SBI Holdings, a division of the Japanese group SoftBank, and Temasek, the Singapore government investment fund.

Under Mr. Wen, New Horizon established itself as a leading private equity firm, investing in biotech, solar, wind and construction equipment makers. Since it began operations, the firm has returned about $430 million to investors, a fourfold profit, according to SBI Holdings.

“Their first fund was dynamite,” said Kathleen Ng, editor of Asia Private Equity Review, an industry publication in Hong Kong. “And that allowed them to raise a lot more money.”

Today, New Horizon has more than $2.5 billion under management.

Some of Winston Wen’s deal-making, though, has attracted unwanted attention for the prime minister.

In 2010, when New Horizon acquired a 9 percent stake in a company called Sihuan Pharmaceuticals just two months before its public offering, the Hong Kong Stock Exchange said the late-stage investment violated its rules and forced the firm to return the stake. Still, New Horizon made a $46.5 million profit on the sale.

Soon after, New Horizon announced that Winston Wen had handed over day-to-day operations and taken up a position at the China Satellite Communications Corporation, a state-owned company that has ties to the Chinese space program. He has since been named chairman.

The Tycoons

In the late 1990s, Duan Weihong was managing an office building and several other properties in Tianjin, the prime minister’s hometown in northern China, through her property company, Taihong. She was in her 20s and had studied at the Nanjing University of Science and Technology.

Around 2002, Ms. Duan went into business with several relatives of Wen Jiabao, transforming her property company into an investment vehicle of the same name. The company helped make Ms. Duan very wealthy.

It is not known whether Ms. Duan, now 43, is related to the prime minister. In a series of interviews, she first said she did not know any members of the Wen family, but later described herself as a friend of the family and particularly close to Zhang Beili, the prime minister’s wife. As happened to a handful of other Chinese entrepreneurs, Ms. Duan’s fortunes soared as she teamed up with the relatives and their network of friends and colleagues, though she described her relationship with them involving the shares in Ping An as existing on paper only and having no financial component.

Ms. Duan and other wealthy businesspeople — among them, six billionaires from across China — have been instrumental in getting multimillion-dollar ventures off the ground and, at crucial times, helping members of the Wen family set up investment vehicles to profit from them, according to investment bankers who have worked with all parties.

Established in Tianjin, Taihong had spectacular returns. In 2002, the company paid about $65 million to acquire a 3 percent stake in Ping An before its initial public offering, according to corporate records and Ms. Duan’s graduate school thesis. Five years later, those shares were worth $3.7 billion

The company’s Hong Kong affiliate, Great Ocean, also run by Ms. Duan, later formed a joint venture with the Beijing government and acquired a huge tract of land adjacent to Capital International Airport. Today, the site is home to a sprawling cargo and logistics center. Last year, Great Ocean sold its 53 percent stake in the project to a Singapore company for nearly $400 million.

That deal and several other investments, in luxury hotels, Beijing villa developments and the Hong Kong-listed BBMG, one of China’s largest building materials companies, have been instrumental to Ms. Duan’s accumulation of riches, according to The Times’s review of corporate records.

The review also showed that over the past decade there have been nearly three dozen individual shareholders of Taihong, many of whom are either relatives of Wen Jiabao or former colleagues of his wife.

The other wealthy entrepreneurs who have worked with the prime minister’s relatives declined to comment for this article. Ms. Duan strongly denied having financial ties to the prime minister or his relatives and said she was only trying to avoid publicity by listing others as owning Ping An shares. “The money I invested in Ping An was completely my own,” said Ms. Duan, who has served as a member of the Ping An board of supervisors. “Everything I did was legal.”

Another wealthy partner of the Wen relatives has been Cheng Yu-tung, who controls the Hong Kong conglomerate New World Development and is one of the richest men in Asia, worth about $15 billion, according to Forbes.

In the 1990s, New World was seeking a foothold in mainland China for a sister company that specializes in high-end retail jewelry. The retail chain, Chow Tai Fook, opened its first store in China in 1998.

Mr. Cheng and his associates invested in a diamond venture backed by the relatives of Mr. Wen and co-invested with them in an array of corporate entities, including Sino-Life, National Trust and Ping An, according to records and interviews with some of those involved. Those investments by Mr. Cheng are now worth at least $5 billion, according to the corporate filings. Chow Tai Fook, the jewelry chain, has also flourished. Today, China accounts for 60 percent of the chain’s $4.2 billion in annual revenue.

Mr. Cheng, 87, could not be reached for comment. Calls to New World Development were not returned.

Fallout for Premier

In the winter of 2007, just before he began his second term as prime minister, Wen Jiabao called for new measures to fight corruption, particularly among high-ranking officials.

“Leaders at all levels of government should take the lead in the antigraft drive,” he told a gathering of high-level party members in Beijing. “They should strictly ensure that their family members, friends and close subordinates do not abuse government influence.”

The speech was consistent with the prime minister’s earlier drive to toughen disclosure rules for public servants, and to require senior officials to reveal their family assets.

Whether Mr. Wen has made such disclosures for his own family is unclear, since the Communist Party does not release such information. Even so, many of the holdings found by The Times would not need to be disclosed under the rules since they are not held in the name of the prime minister’s immediate family — his wife, son and daughter.

Eighty percent of the $2.7 billion in assets identified in The Times’s investigation and verified by the outside auditors were held by, among others, the prime minister’s mother, his younger brother, two brothers-in-law, a sister-in-law, daughter-in-law and the parents of his son’s wife, none of whom is subject to party disclosure rules. The total value of the relatives’ stake in Ping An is based on calculations by The Times that were confirmed by the auditors. The total includes shares held by the relatives that were sold between 2004 and 2006, and the value of the remaining shares in late 2007, the last time the holdings were publicly disclosed.

Legal experts said that determining the precise value of holdings in China could be difficult because there might be undisclosed side agreements about the true beneficiaries.

“Complex corporate structures are not necessarily insidious,” said Curtis J. Milhaupt, a Columbia University Law School professor who has studied China’s corporate group structures. “But in a system like China’s, where corporate ownership and political power are closely intertwined, shell companies magnify questions about who owns what and where the money came from.”

Among the investors in the Wen family ventures are longtime business associates, former colleagues and college classmates, including Yu Jianming, who attended Northwestern with Winston Wen, and Zhang Yuhong, a longtime colleague of Wen Jiahong, the prime minister’s younger brother. The associates did not return telephone calls seeking comment.

Revelations about the Wen family’s wealth could weaken him politically.

Next month, at the 18th Party Congress in Beijing, the Communist Party is expected to announce a new generation of leaders. But the selection process has already been marred by one of the worst political scandals in decades, the downfall of Bo Xilai, the Chongqing party boss, who was vying for a top position.

In Beijing, Wen Jiabao is expected to step down as prime minister in March at the end of his second term. Political analysts say that even after leaving office he could remain a strong backstage political force. But documents showing that his relatives amassed a fortune during his tenure could diminish his standing, the analysts said.

“This will affect whatever residual power Wen has,” said Minxin Pei, an expert on Chinese leadership and a professor of government at Claremont McKenna College in California.

The prime minister’s supporters say he has not personally benefited from his extended family’s business dealings, and may not even be knowledgeable about the extent of them.

Last March, the prime minister hinted that he was at least aware of the persistent rumors about his relatives. During a nationally televised news conference in Beijing, he insisted that he had “never pursued personal gain” in public office.

“I have the courage to face the people and to face history,” he said in an emotional session. “There are people who will appreciate what I have done, but there are also people who will criticize me. Ultimately, history will have the final say.”

《纽约时报》星期五披露,中国政府官员在揭露温家宝家族财富的报道刊发前一天到《纽约时报》交涉,试图阻止其刊发,但时报不为所动,第二天照样刊出报道。另据明镜新闻网星期六报道,前往时报交涉的是中国驻美大使;并指正因为北京施压,才激发了《纽约时报》的报道热情。时报称,新闻价值常与商业利益不一致,为了成为真正的世界新闻媒体,时报“拿出了勇气”。

“中共驻美大使张业遂周三前往《纽约时报》,强硬地向《纽约时报》高层宣布了六点,目的在于阻止揭露温家宝家族财富的报导发表。” 不愿透露姓名的消息来源说,张业遂指《纽约时报》的报道会破坏中美关系。消息来源还说,中国驻纽约总领事孙国祥先于张业遂前往《纽约时报》试图阻止文章发表。

温家宏的海南汉氏环境投资有限公司就是号称污水处理公司。该公司在2003年以区区3750万美元买下了中国最大地产商恒大地产16.5%的股票。在2011年薄熙来出事之前脱手。恒大地产那时的价值是1200多亿。
温家宏在恒大的股权在2003年恒大的公开的年度报告中就公开提及。
温家宏在深圳还有绿景地产。也在2011年,薄熙来出事之前脱手。
温家宝的儿子温云松也在薄熙来出事前被紧急安排退出新天域而进如中国卫通,
这一切都说明薄熙来当时在整温家宝的黑材料。只有这才能解释温家宝在记者会上气急败坏的原因。
温贼声明已承认其子用基金给外国资金3年赚500倍利润,套空中国投资者, 赚起20%的佣金。汉奸卖国瘟贼遗臭万年

居民事后回忆,事发前一周,曾经见5个蓬头垢面的小男孩在附近活动,5个孩子曾出现在毕节学院门口,拦路抱腿要钱。5个人买一大碗米粉要了5双筷子。五兄弟闷死垃圾箱前的一两天,一位路人用手机在毕节学院路段地下通道阶梯上照的。这里距离孩子出事的地点也就百米左右(翻拍图)。

  从干沟苗寨(即擦枪岩村团结组)通往村委会的路有两条:一条是步行需要一小时的土公路,一条是必须翻越乱石、密林的山路。山路路程短,却险峻难行。

  从擦枪岩村通往海子街镇的盘山公路,则是九曲十八弯,车行还需三小时。而从海子街镇到毕节市区的路,也有13公里。

  这条曲折的路,5个10岁上下的孩子走过多回。2012年11月5日(一说是10月底),他们相伴着走出山寨,从此再没回来。十多天后,一个寒冷的雨夜,他们并排躺进毕节市七星关区流仓桥办事处楼下空置的垃圾箱内,终结了流浪的童年。

  恸哭

  “养不教,父之过”,说出这句话的时候,陶进才完全不像只有小学一年级文化的老农。

  12月20日的下午,浓雾笼罩的山野,能见度不足五十米。陶进才只身一人在半山腰犁地,面对一批接一批地翻山越岭来寻访的记者,这位56岁的汉子终于失声痛哭。两天前,噩耗传回苗寨,陶进才白天进山犁地,晚上割草喂猪,直至失眠的深夜,才起身独自到牛棚里寻找5个侄儿的身影。

  陶家五兄弟中,陶进才排行第一。遇难的侄儿中,13岁的陶中林是老二陶进友的儿子;12岁的陶中金(陶中井)和11岁的陶中红是老四陶学元的孩子,12岁的陶冲、9岁的陶波的父亲是老五陶元伍。

  作为大伯父,陶进才知道孩子们在家挨打挨骂时,常常躲进牛棚——去年夏天,陶中林离家出走,在海子街镇上流浪一个星期,被老二陶进友追回家“捆绳子”,遭一顿暴打之后,就睡在了牛棚里。陶进才没有料到,5个孩子会在一夜之间以一种匪夷所思的方式死在了一起。毕节官方的通报称,他们死于“意外”,是在垃圾箱内生火致中毒死亡。

  离家

  背靠深山,人多地少,使擦枪岩成为海子街镇最贫困的乡村,而苗寨则是全镇最穷的村组。村干部说,人均年收入不足1500元,年轻人基本都选择了外出打工。

  为了省下一点车费,陶家两兄弟学元、元伍2012年春节前就南下深圳“找钱”,陶学元还带上了老婆和几个年长的孩子。留在家的陶中井、陶中红和陶冲、陶波,很快陷入困境。“长到十岁,就要拉扯弟弟妹妹了。”陶进才说,陶家大人们经常两三个月才寄一次钱回家,一次两三百,根本不够吃。五个孩子平时的伙食,就是稀饭和盐巴。

  “吃不饱,更不谈上学了。”陶进才说,五个孩子中,三个是“黑户”,念了几天书,就被老师撵回家了。辍学的孩子们经常结伴去苞谷地里掰玉米、抠土豆,邻居们找上门,陶进才也无奈,“二三十个孩子,我自己还有七个孙子,实在管不过来。”

  远在外地“拾荒”的父母也极少过问孩子的事,陶元伍干脆从不打电话。失去管教的孩子,像断线的风筝,循着父母的脚步,开始四处流浪。2011年年底,陶冲和几个孩子就出现在毕节市区的各个角落。

  直至今年11月5日(一说10月底),在家务农的老二陶进友喊儿子陶中林去地里割猪草,陶中林提起裤子,一溜烟跑了。不一会儿,邻居就看见5个孩子沿着那条险峻的山路翻出山寨,走向了人生最后的驿站。

  流浪

  郝行(化名)是陶家孩子流浪生涯的最初见证者之一,或许,也是他们留在人世间最温暖的回忆。如果上天能给他们的相遇相交再长一点时间,悲剧很可能逆转。

  2011年12月27日深夜,毕节市区双井寺车站附近,匆忙回家的郝行,看到两个蓬头垢面的孩子围在一家餐馆门外的火炉边烤火,其中一个身着一件单衣,“拉链烂了,露着胸口。”严冬的季节,夜不归宿的孩子瞬间勾起了他十几年前的回忆——1998年前后,15岁的郝行为了学武,毅然离开了贫寒的老家,在河南少林寺外流浪多月,终获善人相助,渐渐走向了自强的人生。

  郝行走过去,问了一句“冷吗?”

  孩子回答:不冷,有点饿。

  郝行把他们带进一家面馆,给了一人一大碗热面。交谈中,孩子自称是毕节市大方县人,父母离婚,父亲出去打工,和爷爷奶奶在一起,整天放牛,没吃的没用的,父母也不给钱。

  15岁起离家流浪、备尝人世艰辛的郝行,在28日的凌晨1点,送两个孩子“回家”。那是毕节南关桥附近的街道上一处与变压器箱相连的封闭“小屋”,不足两平方米,一床破旧的被褥下曾挤过6个流浪小孩。其中之一,正是陶元伍的儿子陶冲。

  “前几天太冷,几个小孩子用捡到的汽油烧火烤,陶冲的脸和腿都被烧伤。”郝行指着他当晚拍下的照片,回忆说,他当时掏出20元钱,让陶冲买点药。陶冲回答:不用买药了,腿坏了,这两天出不去了,要不了钱,这钱留着吃饭。

  此后的十多天里,郝行几乎每天都去“小屋”,嘱咐孩子们“饿了不要去偷”。某一个晚上,腿被烧伤的陶冲独自睡在“小屋”里,对郝行说:小伙伴们嫌 “小屋”太小,要让给“病人”,就去城里的电视塔下睡觉了。

  以前,他们还睡过商场的地下通道,后来被捡废品的大人抢走了地盘。“我现在小,过几年就可以出去打工了,我也想读书,但是家里没人管我,我就不读了。”陶冲说。

  救助

  郝行下决心像当年自己遇到的“善人”一样,救助这些孩子,直到他们成年。他把自己每天去“小屋”看孩子的照片发布在网络上,呼吁人们帮助他建立一个“流浪儿童之家”,他甚至说通了毕节一家私立学校的校长,减半收取学费,让这些孩子读书。

  “小一点的孩子上学,大一点的我带着,教他们手艺。”爱心终于得到了回应,郝行的举动不但触动了当地不少网民,还引发了媒体的关注。当地一家报纸连续发出四篇系列报道,陶冲等6名流浪儿童的生存现状引发了空前的关注。

  此时,民政部门坐不住了。2012年1月12日,民政局将6名流浪儿童全部找到。民政局领导还亲自打电话请郝行前去看望,告诉他,孩子们“理了发、洗了澡,都安顿好了,正在联系家人”。

  郝行没料到,没过多久,他在街上又遇到和陶冲一起流浪的儿童,说是呆在民政局安置点里“没有自由,上厕所都要按时”,于是,砸坏窗户、撬开门锁逃了出来。“我觉得民政局肯定有责任,为什么要撬开门锁跑呢?肯定是感觉不到温暖。”

  死亡
  又一个冬天来临,陶冲和他的4个兄弟在饥寒中结束了流浪的童年。
  11月19日晚,贵州毕节七星关区流仓桥办事处,门面房老板李起国,在陶冲兄弟5人遇难的地方久久徘徊。3天前,他们亲眼看见孩子们的遗体被拖车运走。“不是殡仪馆的灵车,是拖垃圾的车拖走的,把垃圾箱的盖子一盖,直接就拉走了。” 李起国说,那一刻,他觉得,孩子的遗体被当做了垃圾。
  李起国回忆,出事的垃圾箱是七星关区流仓桥办事处半个多月前新购置的,还没来得及分发到各个街道,孩子们差不多也是同时来到附近落脚的,他们白天出门乞讨,晚上回到办事处楼下的工地围墙内烤火过夜。
  街道上的小摊主和门面房老板都对他们留下了印象,但是,街道办却否认见过他们。“谁管这事?也没人问,也没人管。我看着很可怜,还想过收养其中一个孩子,但一想他们都太大了。” 李起国说。

  物是人非,3天后,又一个细雨纷纷的夜晚,垃圾桶正对着的工地,一段被熏黑的围墙下,仍散落着一副羽毛球拍、几块木质三合板,这是孩子们留下的全部痕迹。
月20日,5个死亡男孩的伯伯陶进才接受记者采访。身旁是陶家小孩。新京报/刘刚
  5个孩子的老家在毕节市七星关区海子街镇擦枪岩村,擦枪岩村是一个苗族村,5个孩子的父辈们兄妹9人,五子四女,在丧子的父亲中,陶进友老二;陶学元老四,陶元伍老五。记者向陶进才要几张5个孩子生前的照片时,陶进才笑了笑说,这些孩子没有拍过照片。图为11月20日,贵州毕节,死者家的土坯房外景。
  陶进才在家务农。青壮年外出打工是这个苗家寨子大部分家庭的现状。“地少人多”,陶进才说种庄稼一年下来一家人全部收入两三千元。图为11月20日,贵州毕节,死者家里很简陋
  在擦枪岩村,还有很多村民,像陶家兄弟一样,住在逢雨便漏的土坯房里。其中,陶元伍的家境最差,一间土坯房内只有2张空床和一张破烂的柜子,房间散发出恶臭,地上堆着生火做饭的砖块。图为11月20日,贵州毕节,死者家的土坯房内,家徒四壁。
  陶进才说,老二陶进友育有4子3女,老四陶学元3子1女,陶元伍3个都是男娃。陶学元和陶元伍都在深圳打工,“捡垃圾、收废品”。陶氏兄弟每月工资1400-1500元,省吃俭用,会给老家的孩子寄点钱,买米吃饭。图为11月20日,贵州毕节,死者家的土坯房外景。
  这个与街头变压器箱相连的不足两平米的封闭空间,是2011年12月27日至2012年1月10日陶冲等6名流浪儿童晚上睡觉的地方。东方早报
  11月16日,5名男孩被发现死于贵州毕节市七星关区街头垃圾箱内。事发垃圾箱位于毕节市七星关区环东路,距流仓桥办事处约100米。19日,事发人行道,垃圾箱已由三个减至一个。“闷死”男孩的垃圾箱已被运走。
  11月16日,5名男孩被发现死于贵州毕节市七星关区街头垃圾箱内。事发垃圾箱位于毕节市七星关区环东路,距流仓桥办事处约100米。
16日,5名男孩被发现死于贵州毕节市七星关区街头垃圾箱内。事发垃圾箱位于毕节市七星关区环东路,距流仓桥办事处约100米。
  11月16日,5名男孩被发现死于贵州毕节市七星关区街头垃圾箱内。事发垃圾箱位于毕节市七星关区环东路,距流仓桥办事处约100米。
  11月16日,5名男孩被发现死于贵州毕节市七星关区街头垃圾箱内。事发垃圾箱位于毕节市七星关区环东路,距流仓桥办事处约100米。
  11月16日,5名男孩被发现死于贵州毕节市七星关区街头垃圾箱内。事发垃圾箱位于毕节市七星关区环东路,距流仓桥办事处约100米。
  11月16日,5名男孩被发现死于贵州毕节市七星关区街头垃圾箱内。事发垃圾箱位于毕节市七星关区环东路,距流仓桥办事处约100米。

  11月16日,5名男孩被发现死于贵州毕节市七星关区街头垃圾箱内。事发垃圾箱位于毕节市七星关区环东路,距流仓桥办事处约100米。事发垃圾箱位于人行道上,垃圾箱近一人高,为绿底白盖,盖子可以打开

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4 回复 weileguojia 2012-10-27 08:38
yedav01: Your writing title is 这不是时间上的巧合,而是美国出卖瘟贼的真正原因.

But I checked the whole paper and did not find any 美国 word, so how 美国出卖?? ...
Chinese bank system as-is is the most self-defeating system in the world. Whoever dares to challenge it will be in trouble. Wen wants to challenge it not for the good of China but for the good of his family though.
4 回复 weileguojia 2012-10-27 10:41
温这个WBD 当然不是好鸟。但9头猪有一个好的吗?
中国必须多党制才能从腐烂中康复,别TMD 今天这个爱将明天那个干将了。包括邓江朱胡在内都是白痴+腐败。都是黄鼠狼生耗子。
4 回复 weileguojia 2012-10-28 22:51
咱不知道黑手党都感谢什么,现在的全世界最黑的黑手党应该是中国的那个骗子党了。
3 回复 weileguojia 2013-4-12 05:01
温的另一个秘书田学斌问题更大,据称仅其中一次接受丁书苗的单笔贿赂,就高达5000万人民币(约合)。田学斌平时被周围人称作温的“二秘”,既管温家宝的公务,也管温家宝的家务。
马馼护驾温家宝拆弹,大秘丘小雄调职免灾。
原国务院办公厅秘书王维工受贿1293万获判死缓

10年总理三任国务院秘书都有事,这是个什么事?

难道把薄同刘胡乱联系起来就可以污蔑薄,并为温27亿开脱溜走?
温的另一个秘书田学斌问题更大,据称仅其中一次接受丁书苗的单笔贿赂,就高达5000万人民币(约合)。田学斌平时被周围人称作温的“二秘”,既管温家宝的公务,也管温家宝的家务。


  这位中纪委司局级干部称,田学斌涉案后,温家宝周围的人一度很紧张,但后来又安稳下来。因为中央最高层有一种考虑,怕一旦追究,一国总理身陷腐败丑闻,对党的形象可能产生不可逆料的恶劣影响。田学斌案反而弄得高层有些投鼠忌器,对腐败传闻缠身的温家宝变得有利起来。

  田学斌是甘肃会宁人,据悉,田由温的旧部推荐,很早就到中办担任温的秘书,后跟到国办。2008年12月温提拔他当国务院研究室副主任。海外有文章称,田学斌除了为温拎包,干些牵马坠蹬的苦活外,还是温家信任的经商管家。温爱惜自己的名誉,一些涉及温家经济利益的事,都由田学斌直接出面,代表温夫人张蓓莉给各省或各部打招唿。温夫人、温云松、温家宝的弟弟温家宏的经商活动,都离不开这位田二秘跑前跑后的安排。

  “关于田的博弈还没有完。因为常委中有人坚持要追究,温不一定能压得住。温家宝让妻子亲自出面,找中纪委的一位负责人,要求务必保田学斌过关,”这位干部称。

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