一百年前的毛泽东:愿做个无根的流浪者

作者:change?  于 2024-12-17 00:15 发表于 最热闹的华人社交网络--贝壳村

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一百年前的毛泽东:愿做个无根的流浪者

挥手告别,我踏上旅途。
我们彼此凄凉的眼神让事情变得更糟,
再一次强调了我们的苦涩。
你的眉眼里流露出怨恨,
你强忍着想要流下的热泪。
我知道你误解了我们过去的交流;
我们眼前飘过的是云雾,
尽管我们以为没有人比你我更了解彼此。
当人们感到如此痛苦时,
上天知道吗?

今天黎明,东门路上结了厚厚的霜,
一轮残月和半边天空倒映在我们那片池塘里——
都回荡着我们的凄凉。
火车的汽笛声直刺我的心。
从今以后,我将孤身一人。
我求你斩断这些纠结的感情。
我自己愿意做一个无根的流浪者,
不再与情人的私语有任何关系。
山岳就要崩塌。
云朵在天空中飞舞。


人们不禁会问,这是真的么? 确实是真的。不过他的原话要文雅奥妙得多,是1923年底填的词《贺新郎》:


贺新郎

作者: 毛泽东

 
  挥手从兹去。更那堪、凄然相向,苦情重诉。眼角眉梢都似恨,热泪欲零还住。知误会前翻书语。过眼滔滔云共雾,算人间知己吾与汝。人有病,天知否?

 今朝霜重东门路,照横塘、半天残月,凄清如许。汽笛一声肠已断,从此天涯孤旅。凭割断愁思恨缕。我自欲为江海客,更不为昵昵儿女语。山欲堕,云横翥。
 
  【背景】一九二三年四月,湖南省长赵恒惕下令通缉“过激派”毛泽东。毛离开长沙去武汉,转上海,然后赴广州参加六月的中共三大,直至一九二四年秋才回湖南开展农民运动。这首词是与妻子杨开慧分别时所作。

  【挥手从兹去】引自李白《送友人》“挥手自兹去,萧萧班马鸣”。
  【热泪欲零】零,零落。
  【人有病,天知否】原为“重感慨,泪如雨”。
        【东门路】古诗词中指离别之路,也指斗争之路。这里又双关通往长沙东门之小吴门火车站的道路。
  【横塘】“横塘”在古诗中常指女子居住之处。如崔颢《长干行》“君家何处住,妾住在横塘。停船暂借问,或恐是同乡”。此指湖南长沙小吴门外清水塘。一九二一年冬至一九二三年四月,毛泽东租了清水塘边一所茅屋作为家住兼作中共湘区委员会会址,旧址现为纪念馆。
  【凭割断】请割断。
  【翥】奋飞。最后两韵原为“我自欲为江海客,更不为昵昵儿女语。山欲堕,云横翥”。1970年代毛去世前整理改为 “要似昆仑崩绝壁,又恰像台风扫环宇。重比翼,和云翥。”

开始的现代体是从号称美国的中国历史司马迁的伟大学者史景迁所著《MAO ZEDONG》(不像他的绝大多数著作此书无中文版)的英译做的中译。

Waving farewell, i set off on my journey. 
The desolate glances we give each other make things worse,
Yet again emphasizing our bitter feelings.
Eyes and brows reflect your tension, 
As you hold back hot tears that seek to flow.
I know you misunderstood our past exchanges; 
What drifts before our eyes are clouds fog,
Even though we thought none knew each other as well as you and I.
When people feel such pain,
Does heaven know?

At dawn today, thick frost in the way to East Gate,
A fading moon and half the sky reflected in our patch of pond---
Both echo our desolation.
The sound of the  train's whistle cuts straight through me.
From this time on I'll be everywhere alone.
I'm begging you to sever these tangled ties of emotion.
I myself would like to be a rootless wanderer,
And have nothing more to with lovers' whispers.
The mountains are about to tumble down.
Clouds dash across the sky. 

史景迁大师在此书第五章《工农》中记述了毛泽东从事的工作及对与杨开慧关系的影响在这首诗中的反映。原诗词真情沉郁,悲壮决绝,



走向工农

1921 年初,毛泽东还是一名政治新手。他经常主持新民学会的会议,参加会议的主要是教师和学生,他们似乎专注于诸如是否要开办一家餐馆为当地工人提供廉价食品,以及他们的目标应该是改造中国还是“改造中国和世界”等问题。然而,到 1922 年底,毛泽东已成为一名专业的革命组织者,并学习如何协调影响成千上万工人生活的重大罢工。

第一次罢工是建筑工人和木匠的罢工,此前他们一直按照传统的行会组织起来。在长沙湖南自修大学的旧址,毛泽东认识了一些修复旧建筑的木匠。他与他们谈论了他们的劳动合同和工资标准,并说服其中一名木匠加入共产党。这个选择非常明智,而这位木匠也是一位天生的领导者和出色的组织者。1922 年 9 月和 10 月,这位木匠与毛泽东(党授予他“中国劳工组织秘书处湖南办事处书记”)一起领导了一系列集会、示威和停工,使工人的基本时薪大幅提高。

1922 年 11 月,铅字排字工和印刷工也发起了罢工,他们在 1920 年成立了自己的工会,但后来根据他们各自的专业技能(平版印刷工、印刷机操作员、印刷工和排字工)而分裂。毛泽东现在在长沙以组织能力而闻名,但尚未被视为危险的激进分子,这一点可以从以下事实中看出:在随后的罢工解决中,报纸所有者请他担任“调解人”。在这个角色中,在工人的强大支持下,他帮助实现了几乎所有工人的要求。

在一份详尽的当前政治概要中,毛泽东估计,到 1923 年初,湖南有 23 个主要工人组织,成员约 30,000 人,这些概要充斥着他标志性的事实和数据。在同一时期,发生了 10 次罢工,共有 22,250 名工人参加,其中 9 次“胜利或半胜利”。除了上述两次罢工外,毛泽东还将矿工(煤矿、锌矿和铅矿)、铁路工人、机械车间操作员、造币厂工人、服装工人、丝绸厂工人、电工、理发师、制鞋匠和人力车夫列入了他的工人组织名单。毛泽东本人也参与了其他几次罢工的战略规划,其中一些罢工是由他以前在长沙的同学领导和指挥的,他们现在已经从法国勤工俭学归来(其中几位同学已经加入了共青团或共产党)。毛泽东的两个弟弟也积极参与罢工工作,一个是煤矿消费合作社的组织者,另一个是铅矿工人俱乐部的成员。毛泽东的妻子杨开慧——尽管怀着他们的第一个孩子——一直在矿工罢工地区附近的农民中工作,帮助争取妇女权利和更好的教育设施。这是一个令人印象深刻的记录。

然而,湖南的激进主义世界并不是整个共产党政治的中心。在共产国际的指示下,由于马林仍在中国监督执行命令,中国共产党被迫与联合国民党结盟。毛泽东几乎肯定是那些认为这是一项危险政策的共产党人之一:他了解到,工人正在建立自己的团结,反对资产阶级势力,甚至反对外国人,尽管军阀的对抗——他们可能是最野蛮的罢工​​破坏者——是不可预测的,并且已经对湖南造成了严重破坏。此外,作为党的早期成员,他几乎没有权利公开抗议。然而,毛泽东长期以来一直钦佩的陈独秀却没有这样的顾忌。陈独秀列举了反对马林提出的共产党应该加入国民党的计划的诸多理由,例如,两党的目标和政策完全不同,国民党积极与美国和北方军阀以及腐败的亲日政客合作,因此加入他们会让所有年轻人失去对共产党的“信仰”。陈独秀还说,国民党无法容忍新成员的想法,并“以谎言为力量”。

1922 年 7 月 16 日至 23 日,中国共产党第二次代表大会在上海召开,讨论了这些以及其他有关无产阶级在当前斗争中的作用的重要问题。毛泽东可能被邀请参加,因为他参加了第一次代表大会,此后一直担任湖南劳工秘书处负责人,并取得了成功。然而,他完全错过了会议。多年后,他给出的唯一解释是奇怪而不完整的:“我忘了会议地点的名字,找不到同志,所以错过了。”毛泽东以前确实承认过自己有点心不在焉——他曾告诉一位记者,他在读信时把信弄丢了——但这个解释仍然很奇怪。毛泽东当时已经对上海相当了解了,他曾三次访问上海,其中两次访问时间相当长,并且与许多党内人士都有联系。另一方面,有人可能会说,上海是一个大城市,被划分成许多部分,包括两个国际租界;杨开慧当时怀孕五个月;他长期劳累过度;其他几位代表也错过了会议,包括李大钊和整个广州代表团。与会的十二名代表就共产主义与资产阶级结盟的必要性达成了足够的共识,并发表声明同意与孙中山和其他国民党民族主义党领导人合作。

除了党对莫斯科指示的忠诚之外,这一决定还有多种原因。1922 年 5 月,香港海员大罢工以工人胜利告终,民族主义组织者积极参与其中,提高了国民党作为一个天生革命组织的威望。尽管罢工取得了成功,但共产党本身的规模仍然小得危险:1922 年的 12 名代表代表了全中国 195 名共产党员,比前一年增加了四倍,但还算不上压倒性的数量。在这 195 名代表中,只有大约 30 名是工人。此外,中国共产党几乎没有任何资金。大多数党员没有工作或其他收入来源。1921 年至 1922 年秋冬期间,党的中央机关的开支总计 17,500 美元,其中共产国际提供了 16,665 美元。预计来年的预算全部来自共产国际。然而,直到 1922 年 8 月马林在杭州召开的另一次特别会议之后,才规定所有共产党员必须加入国民党,即所谓的“内部联盟”。许多共产党领导人立即加入了国民党,包括李大钊,甚至陈独秀,尽管之前有所疑虑,但毛泽东似乎一直推迟到 1923 年初才加入国民党。也许对他来说,最后的刺激是 1923 年 2 月,一名北方军阀对铁路工人工会进行了野蛮镇压,而共产党曾相信该军阀具有进步潜力。许多工人被杀,工会领袖被公开斩首。显然,工人面临的来自军阀的危险是全国性的,湖南与其他地方没有什么不同。到 1923 年夏天,毛泽东肯定是国民党的一员。然而,尽管建立了新的联盟,共产党的发展仍然缓慢而艰难,到 1923 年 6 月,党员人数仅增加到 420 人,其中 37 人是女性,164 人是工人,10 人在监狱中。

毛泽东的职业轨迹现在开始改变,因为他陷入了官方政治事务的漩涡中。虽然杨开慧在 1923 年春天再次怀孕,但毛泽东不得不在 6 月离开家参加共产党第三次代表大会。这次代表大会在广州举行——毛泽东没有迷路,尽管他以前没有去过这座城市——他尽职尽责地支持了关于与国民党结盟的宣言。在这次大会上,毛泽东当选为共产党执政的中央执行委员会委员,并被任命为党的组织部部长。虽然这是一个重大的进步,但后一个职位对家庭生活造成了问题,因为毛泽东必须前往上海,他于 7 月到达那里。来自长沙的消息令人震惊。一个新的军国主义者控制了这座城市,湖南爆发了新的暴力事件,许多学校被关闭,毛泽东本人在一年前帮助建立的几个工会被镇压。毛泽东作为党的发言人写道:“我们一贯反对自治省联盟”,理由是,这只不过是“一个各军省长在各自分裂政权中的联盟”,这戏剧性地暴露了他不久前对湖南独立的立场。


9 月,毛泽东离开上海与妻子团聚,并于 1923 年 9 月 16 日到达长沙。在那里,他发现两支主要军队在湘江沿岸对峙,他非常担心家人的安全,于是他通过私人信使传递政治信件,并要求他的政治联系人用假名给他写信。毛泽东还发现他无法承担落在他肩上的新任务。他告诉国民党的联系人,他每个月至少需要 100 元人民币来开展他们在长沙设想的行动,并租用必要的办公室。正是在这种令人沮丧的情况下,杨开慧和毛泽东的第二个孩子于 1923 年 11 月左右出生——又是一个男孩,他们给他取名为安庆。

毛泽东和杨开慧呆了 12 月,没有参加他本应在上海参加的共产党中央执行委员会会议。相反,他向委员会提交了一份对湖南局势持悲观态度的报告。毛泽东在报告中指出,由社会主义青年团领导的农民组织(长沙南部地区原有多达一万名成员)已被镇压,部分原因是“经济鼓动”的极端政策甚至疏远了中等富裕的中农,部分原因是军政府的反击。在过去的四个月里,长沙只有十四人加入了共产党,罢工中心则有三十人左右。我说,城外对他来说很好。由于战火连绵,长沙的工厂普遍关闭,工人们陷入贫困,工人俱乐部全部关闭或完全停止活动。

但即使党的领导人原谅了毛泽东 12 月的缺席,共产国际要求他与国民党建立统一战线的新命令也使他必须参加定于 1924 年 1 月在广州举行的第一次国民党全国代表大会。毛泽东一定觉得自己别无选择,只能离开。杨开慧虽然是共产党员,但她显然觉得,毛泽东有义务留在她和两个孩子身边,他们现在一个 14 个月,一个 1 个月,被困在这座饱受战争蹂躏的城市。虽然毛泽东和杨开慧之间没有留下任何私人信件,但毛泽东从学生时代起就一直热爱中国诗歌,并用诗歌向亲密的朋友表达自己的私人情感。这是一首写给杨开慧的诗,写于 1823 年 12 月,尽管这首诗的韵律很正式,也引用了其他古典经典诗歌,但它让我们清楚地看到了他们在人生这一极其困难的时刻所陷入的复杂情感:

  挥手从兹去。更那堪、凄然相向,苦情重诉。眼角眉梢都似恨,热泪欲零还住。知误会前翻书语。过眼滔滔云共雾,算人间知己吾与汝。人有病,天知否?

 今朝霜重东门路,照横塘、半天残月,凄清如许。汽笛一声肠已断,从此天涯孤旅。凭割断愁思恨缕。我自欲为江海客,更不为昵昵儿女语。山欲堕,云横翥。


1924 年 1 月,毛泽东在广州过得非常忙碌。他积极参与关键的政治辩论,熟悉政治舞台上的新人物,并表现出集中讨论、以有效但能达成共识的方式进行表决的能力。大会结束后,毛泽东被选为国民党中央执行委员会候补委员,并连续四次出席国民党中央局会议,再次就资金和行政程序提出实质性建议。从 1924 年 2 月到秋天,毛泽东驻扎在上海,既担任国民党高级职务(他还负责记录会议记录),又担任共产党职务。他的大部分工作都集中在使统一战线成为现实,确定双方成员在另一方行动中应扮演的角色,这是一项微妙而艰巨的工作,双方都有误解的危险。1924 年 6 月,杨开慧来到上海与他会合,至少会待一段时间。 (他们现在有了一个保姆,帮他们照顾两个孩子。) 到了 7 月,毛泽东越来越相信国民党和共产党的联盟可能维持不了多久,他和陈独秀共同签署了一份致共产党的立场文件,敦促他们考虑撤军的可能性。他们认为,国民党右翼正在取得进展,并打算通过镇压工人和农民的运动来安抚军阀和商人。毛泽东于 9 月 10 日签署了第二份重要通告,内容涉及华中军阀,11 月又签署了第三份关于党的工作和对孙中山的政策的通告。然后,突然在 12 月,毛泽东完全退出了,回到了长沙老家。1925 年 2 月,他深入农村,回到了湘潭县的韶山老家。近一年来,他没有参加任何政党的会议,并被一个接一个地从重要委员会中除名。 毛泽东告诉他的共产党上级,他已经精疲力竭,这一点毋庸置疑。可以想见,他也想花时间陪伴家人。第三个原因——尽管与前两个原因相比,如何看待这个原因尚不清楚——是他想在自己以前的家乡与农民一起工作,在那里他了解他们的习惯和方言、他们的悲剧和希望。这个原因的必然结果是,毛泽东想在一个他信任和理解的地区和人群中建立自己的根据地。尽管共产国际和共产党(甚至国民党)都曾以不同程度的言辞支持农民解放事业,但这些言论并不能代替人们在最了解的中国农村实地了解农村的尝试。在中国其他地方,尤其是东南沿海地区,一些先驱者已经开始组建农民协会和合作社,或开始推动解除严苛的佃农条件,甚至重新分配土地。杨开慧可能也有同样的兴趣,湖南肯定也进行过几次试验——毛泽东(缺席)在 1923 年底向共产党中央执行委员会报告了这些试验的规模和失败情况。(第 68 页)
Image result for mao zedong by soence
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关于这首诗词的背景,为何杨开慧“眼角眉梢都似恨”?为何毛后期改诗词影响原意?学者高华的一篇文章从另外的角度做了说明---


高华:读毛泽东诗词“人有病,天知否?”
2009年08月07日 15:50万象  】 【打印】 270位网友发表评论

原题:人有病,天知否?

1973年,毛泽东已届八十高龄。年初,他亲自布署批判1972年的"右倾回潮"。在这年夏天召开的中共十大上,毛的文革理论体系再次被全面肯定。他大力提拔王洪文、张春桥等进入中央核心层。在维护文革理论体系的前题下,毛也安排邓小平等老干部逐渐复出,形成了一种由毛完全主控下新的权力平衡,环顾神州,四海晏清,毛的所有政治对手都已被铲除。然而他并没有稍稍松驰,中共十大后,毛又开始酝酿批林批孔运动。

毛泽东从容坚定,老而弥坚,却早已步入垂暮之年,心情是沉郁和凝重的,就在毛频频就批林批孔运动发出"最新指示"的同时,他也象一般老人那样,对自己过去的诗文重又燃起兴趣,就在这年的冬天,毛捡拾起搁置多时的旧诗文,并对其中的一部分作了新的修改订正。

毛泽东一生写有大量文稿,在其生前公开出版的只占其中的一部分,未公开发表的原因大致有几个方面:

1、自觉不成熟,或公开出版与当下政治斗争有违的文稿,如毛在60年代初读苏联政治经济学教科书谈话记记录;

2、涉及党内上层斗争的机密,公开后会有损现今领导人威信的文稿,如毛在40年代初批判王明路线兼及批评周恩来等的《九篇文章》;

3、毛在布署某些重大政治斗争前夜对若干重要问题进行思考的文稿,如毛在1966年7月8日写给江青的信,以及生前从未公开,写于1966年6月的《七律×有所思》;

4、完全属于个人情感领域的诗文。

在1973年冬毛泽东重新改定的诗文中,有一首写于50年前的《贺新郎》,直至他逝世后的1978年9月9日,才在《人民日报》公开发表。

《贺新郎》是作于1923年的一首咏毛杨之恋的爱情诗,也是目前仅见的毛泽东唯一的一首爱情诗。毛泽东与杨开慧由相知、相恋于1920年结婚后,夫妻情爱笃深,然毛此时已是一职业革命家,常常奔走四方,与杨开慧分多聚少。杨虽系五四新女性,但仍深受其家庭传统文化氛围之濡染,情感丰富细腻,不仅深佩毛之魄力、学识,且对毛依恋极深,杨善诗词,写有一些旧体诗和日记,常咏对毛的爱恋,(1927年后,杨开慧将这些诗文藏于其家中的墙壁内,1983年老屋翻修才偶然发现)。杨开慧希望夫妇长相守,毛却难以做到。因此夫妻间难免有口角抵牾,毛偶尔也有厌烦之意。他曾抄写一首唐代诗人元稹的《菟丝》给杨开慧:

"人生莫依倚,依倚事不成。

君看菟丝蔓,依倚榛和荆。

下有狐兔穴,奔走亦纵横。

樵童砍将去,柔蔓与之并。"

此事对杨开慧刺伤很深,毛虽多次解释,均未得冰释误会。1923年,毛奉中共中央命,又要前往上海转广州,此次远行,杨开慧也未去送行。毛写下这首柔情缱绻的《贺新郎》:

"挥手从兹去。更那堪凄然相向,苦情重诉。眼角眉梢都似恨,热泪欲零还往。知误会前番书语。过眼滔滔云共雾,算人间知己吾和汝。重感慨,泪如雨。今朝霜重东门路,照横塘半天残月,凄清如许。汽笛一声肠已断,从此天涯孤旅。凭割断愁丝恨缕。要似昆仑崩绝壁,又恰像台风扫寰宇。重比翼,和云翥。"

毛泽东的一生有一半时间是在战争年代度过的,他常说自己的那些诗词是在"马背上哼出来的"。1955年,毛对法国前总理富尔说,很留恋那种马背上的生活。毛诗意像雄迈,豪迈慷慨,他虽"不废婉约",但更重"豪放"。就创作内容而言,毛诗中更多反映的是政治、理想和斗争。1962年毛接见越南南方客人,在谈到自己的诗词时,他说,"我也是写阶级斗争"。

1957年,毛泽东、杨开慧的故旧李淑一将她回忆的一些毛杨诗词寄给毛,请他帮助回忆考证,其中就有李淑一忆及的当年毛给杨的《虞美人》的残句。毛复信曰:"开慧所述那一首不好"。毛说"不好",未知是否为真心话?却有一种过分政治化的感觉。然而在私底下,在毛激越高亢的潜层,在其不予示人的个人天地之一角,毛还留有一份对"婉约"的欣赏。

毛泽东晚年一再圈点柳永词,1973年冬,他将那首《贺新郎》又作了最后的修定。毛将原词中"重感慨,泪如雨"一句改为"人有病,天知否?"

"重感慨,泪如雨",虽浅露直白,却饱含平常人之情暖,将其改成为"人有病,天知否",则更精彩,一下跃升到"形而上"的层次。

"人有病,天知否?"究竟是何含义?毛之问天,胸中又有何等强烈的愤懑?50年白云苍狗,此时之"病"与彼时夫妻间的感慨难道仍是同一物吗?

毛泽东不太喜欢别人对他的诗词作注释,他说,"诗不宜注",但毛也不反对诗家从不同的角度来注解他的诗词。毛在1964年对他的老友,也是注毛诗的名家周世钊先生说,注毛诗"可以意为之"。毛的《贺新郎》在1978年发表后,注家蜂起,李淑一以毛杨老友的身份发表学习体会,称诗中之"人有病"乃是指人民在三座大山压迫下所造成的苦痛;"天知否",有唤起人民革命推翻三座大山的含义。注毛诗的另一名家周振甫先生也持类似说法。李淑一等的解释或许可以说得通,但我总觉得隔了一层,我更相信毛在1923年写作该诗时,主要是咏夫妻间的情爱,而1973年修改此句则意蕴深远。

毛泽东晚年的心境极为复杂,在壮怀激烈的同时,又日显幽深苍凉。毛之一生,事功厥伟,然改造人性又何等艰难!毛虽早已一言九鼎,一呼百应,但"真懂马列"又有几许人?万千众生,有待拯救,却懵然不知,又怎不让人焦虑!

1975年,毛曾三次让工作人员为他诵读瘐信的《枯树赋》:

"……昔年树柳,依依江南,今看摇落,凄怆江潭,树犹如此,情何以堪!"当毛一遍遍听读《枯树赋》时,是否也有一种夕阳西照,而壮志难酬的慨叹与无奈?

在毛泽东生命的最后阶段,他让文化部抽调名家在秘密状态下为自己灌录了一批配乐古诗词。在这些古诗词清唱中,毛最喜爱南宋张元幹的《贺新郎×送胡邦衡待制赴新州》,词云:"……天意从来高难问,况人情老易悲难诉。"晚年毛的心思又有谁能猜透呢?

近读陈徒手《人有病,天知否:1949年中国文坛记实》,对作者何以用毛词之佳句作书名再三体味。以吾观之,此"病"似病又非病也,病者,有待改造的人性之痼疾,资产阶级、小资产阶级腐朽思想也;非病者,精神,灵魂之痛也,对焉,错焉?


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回复 change? 2024-12-17 00:23
5 workers and peasants

In early 1921, Mao was still a political amateur. The meetings of the new people's study society, over which he often presided,  were attended largely by teachers and their students, who seemed to be absorbed with such problems as whether or not to found a restaurant to provide cheap food for local workers, and whether their goal should be to transform China or to "transform China and the world." By the end of 1922, however, Mao was becoming a professional revolutionary organizer and learning how to coordinate major strikes that affected the lives of tens of thousands of workers.

The first of these was a strike by construction workers and carpenters, who hitherto had been organized along traditional guild lines. At the site of hunan self-study university in Changsha, mao got to know some of the carpenters repairing the old buildings. He talked to them about their labor contracts and their pay scales, and persuaded one of the carpenters to join the communist party. The choice was a good one, and the chosen carpenter turned out to be a natural leader and a brilliant organizer. Working along with Mao, who had been given the sonorous title by the party of "secretary to the Hunan office of the secretariat of the Chinese labor organization," in September and October 1922 the carpenter led a series of rallies, demonstrations, and work stoppages that brought a major raise in the workers' basic hourly wages.

Another strike, in November 1922, came from the lead-type compositors and printers, who had formed their own union in 1920 but had later split apart along the lines of their specific skills-- lithographers, press operators, printers, and typesetters. That Mao was now well known in Changsha for his organization skills but was not yet perceived to be a dangerous radical can be seen from the fact that in the settlement of the strike that followed, he was called in by the newspaper proprietors as a "mediator." In this role, and with strong solidarity of the workers behind him, he was instrumental in gaining virtually all of their demands.

In one of the careful synopses of current politics, replete with facts and figures that had become his hallmark, Mao estimated that by early 1923 there were twenty-three major workers' organizations in Hunan, with a membership of around 30,000 workers. In the same period there had been ten strikes, involving a total of 22,250 workers, of which nine were "victorious or semi-victorious." In addition to the two above, Mao included in his list of workers' organizations miners (in coal, zinc, and lead mines), railway employees, machine-shop operators, mint workers, garment workers, silk factory employees, electrical workers, barbers, boot- and shoemakers, and rickshaw pullers. Mao himself had been involved in the strategic planning of several of these other strikes, some of which had been led by and directed by his former Changsha schoolmates, now returned from their work-study experience in France (where several of them had already joined the communist youth. League or the communist party). Mao's two younger brothers were also active in strike work, one as the organizer of a consumer cooperative in the collieries, and the other in the workers' club at the lead mines. And Mao's wife, Yang Kaihui --though pregnant with their first child--had been working among the peasants who lived near the area where miners had been on strike, helping to push for women's rights and better education facilities. It was an impressive record.

The world of Hunanese activism, however, was not the center of communist party politics as a whole. Under instructions from the Comintern, and with Maring still in China to see that the orders were followed, the Chinese communist party was being pushed into an alliance with Un Yat-sen's Guomindang nationalist party. Mao was almost certainly among the communists who found this a dangerous policy: he was learning that workers were building up their own solidarity against the forces of bourgeoisie , and even against foreigners, though the antagonism of the militarists --who could be the most savage of strikebreakers-- was unpredictable and had already wreaked havoc on Hunan. Also, as an early member of the party, it was hardly up to him to protest publicly. Chen Duxiu, however,whom Mao had so long admired, had no such inhibitions. Chen listed a number of reasons for his opposition to Maring's plans that the communists should join with the nationalists, such as the completely different aims and policies of the two parties, and the fact that the nationalists Guomindang was cooperating actively with the United States and northern warlords, as well as corrupt pro-Japanese politicians, so that to join them would drive all the youth away from their "faith" in the communist party. Chen added that the nationalists had no tolerance for the idea of new members and "used lies as power."

The second communist party congress, at which these and other crucial issues concerning the role of the proletariat in the current struggle were discussed, had convened in Shanghai from July 16 to 23, 1922. Presumably Mao was invited to be there, since he had attended the first congress, and had been serving ever since as head of Hunan labor secretariat, with success. Yet he missed the meetings altogether. The only explanation that he ever gave, many years later, was a curious and incomplete one:" I forgot the name of the place where it was to be held, could not find any comrades, and missed it." It is certainly true that on some earlier occasions Mao had admitted to being somewhat scatterbrained--he once told a correspondent that he had lost his letter in the middle of reading it -- but the explanation remains strange. Mao knew Shanghai fairly well by this time, after three visits on which two were fairly lengthy, and had many party contacts. On the other hand, one could argue that, Shanghai was a huge city subdivided into many subsections, including two international settlements; Yang Kaihui was five months pregnant; he had been overworked for a long time; and several other delegates also missed the meeting, including Li Dazhao and the whole Canton delegation . The twelve delegates attending reached enough consensus about the need for a communist alliance with the bourgeoisie  to issue a statement agreeing that they would cooperate with Sun Yat-sen and other Guomindang nationalist party leaders

There were various reasons for this decision, besides Party loyalty to the dictates from Moscow. Massive strike of seamen in Hong Kong in which nationalist organizers had been active had ended triumphantly for the workers in may 1922, raising the Guomindang prestige as an inherently revolutionary organization. Despite the strike successes the communist party itself was still dangerously small: the twelve delegates in 1922 represented a total China- wide communist membership of 195, a fourfold increase from the year before but hardly an overwhelming number. Best, of the 195, only around thirty were workers. Also , the communist party in China had almost no money whatsoever. Most of the members had no jobs or other sources of income. Expenses for the central organs of the party during the fall and winter of 1921 to 1922 had totaled 17,500 Chinese dollars, of which the Comintern provided 16,665 dollars. The projected budget for the following year was all expected to come from Comintern sources. However, it was only after another special meeting, convened by Maring at hangzhou in August 1922, that it was made mandatory for all communists to join the Guomindang nationalist party, as what was called " a bloc within." Many of the communist leaders joined right away, including li Dazhao and even Chen duxiu , despite the earlier misgivings, Mao, however,seems to have delayed joining the nationalist party until early in 1923. Perhaps the final spur for him was the savage suppression in February 1923 of the railway workers' union by a northern warlord in whose progressive potential the communist party had once believed. Many workers were killed, and the union leader was publicly beheaded. Clearly the dangers confronting workers from militarists were nationwide, and Hunan was no different from anywhere else. By the summer of 1923, Mao was definitely a member of the nationalist party. Yet despite this new alliance, growth for the communist party continued to be slow and difficult, with the party membership climbing only up to 420 by June 1923, of whom 37 were women, 164 were workers, and 10 were in jail.

Mao's career trajectory now began to change, as he was caught up in the swirl of official political business. Though Yang Kaihui was pregnant again by the spring of 1923, Mao had to leave home in June to attend the Third Congress of the communist party. This one was held in Canton-- mao did not get lost, though he had not visited the city before -- and he dutifully endorsed the declarations concerning alliance with the Guomindang. At this congress mao was elected to the communist party's ruling central executive committee, and named head of the party's organization department. Though a major advancement, the latter post had its problems for family life, as mao had to proceed to Shanghai, which he reached in July. The news from Changsha was alarming. A new militarist clamped his hold over the city, new levels of violence erupted in Hunan, many schools were closed, and several of the unions that Mao himself had helped to found the year before were suppressed. Dramatically revealing the position on Hunan's independence he had taken not so long before, Mao as a Party spokesman now wrote "we have always opposed a federation of self-governing provinces ," on the grounds that it would simply by"a federation of military governors in their own separatist regimes.

In September, Mao left Shanghai to rejoin his wife and reached Changsha on September 16, 1923. There he found two major armies drawn up facing each other along the Xiang River, and was so nervous for his family that he routed his political correspondence via a private courier and asked his political contacts to write to him under an assumed name, mao also found he could not afford the new tasks that had fallen on his shoulders. He told his contacts in the nationalist party that he would need at least 100 Chinese dollars each month to run the operation they envisioned in Changsha, and to rent the necessary office so. It was in these rather dispiriting circumstances that Yang Kaihui and Mao's second child was born, sometime in November 1923--another boy , whom they named anqing.

Mao stayed with yang Kaihui through December, skipping the communist central executive committee's meeting that he should have attended in Shanghai. Instead, he sent the committee a pessimistic report on the Hunan situation. Mao noted in the report that peasant organizations-- formerly reaching up to ten thousand members in the area south of Changsha-- led by the socialist youth league, had been crushed, partly because of an extreme policy of "economic agitation " that alienated even the moderately prosperous middle peasants, and partly because of counterforce from the militarist troops. Only fourteen people had joined the communist party in Changsha during the previous four months, another thirty or so in strike centers I said it's nice for him outside the city. Widespread closure of Changsha 's factories due to the incessant warfare had impoverished the workers, and the workers' clubs had all closed down or became totally inactive.

But even if party leaders had excused
Mao's absence in December, new orders from the Comintern to forge a United Front with the Guomindang made it imperative for him to attend the first national Guomindang congress, scheduled for January 1924 in Canton. Mao must have felt he had no choice but to go. Yang Kaihui, though communist party member herself, clearly felt it was malt's duty to stay with her and the two children, now aged fourteen months and one month, trapped in a war-torn city. Though there were no surviving personal letters between Mao and Yang, Mao had kept his love of Chinese poetry even since his schooldays, and used poems to express his private emotions to his close friends. It is a poem to Yang Kaihui, dating from December 1823, which, despite its formal meter and cross-references to other poems  from the classical canon, gives us the clearest view of their tangled emotions at this intensely difficult moment in their lives:

Waving farewell, i set off on my journey.
The desolate glances we give each other make things worse,
Yet again emphasizing our bitter feelings.
Eyes and brows reflect your tension,
As you hold back hot tears that seek to flow.
I know you misunderstood our past exchanges;
What drifts before our eyes are clouds fog,
Even though we thought none knew each other as well as you and I.
When people feel such pain,
Does heaven know?

At dawn today, thick frost in the way to East Gate,
A fading moon and half the sky reflected in our patch of pond---
Both echo our desolation.
The sound of the  train's whistle cuts straight through me.
From this time on I'll be everywhere alone.
I'm begging you to sever these tangled ties of emotion.
I myself would like to be a rootless wanderer,
And have nothing more to with lovers' whispers.
The mountains are about to tumble down.
Clouds dash across the sky.

January 1924 in Canton was frenetic for Mao. He took an active part in the key political debates, became familiar with the new figures in the political scene, and showed an ability to concentrate a discussion and bring it a vote in an effective yet consensus- building way. After the congress, Mao was elected an alternate member of Guomindang's own central executive committee, and he attended four successive meetings of the Guomindang central party bureau, again making substantive suggestions on funding and administrative procedures. Fro. February through the fall of 1924, Mao was stationed in Shanghai, working both in senior Guomindang positions (where he also kept minutes) and in his communist party positions. much of his work centered on making the united front a reality, by defining the role that members of each party should play in the proceedings of the other, a delicate and demanding job, and one with dangers of misapprehension by both sides. In June 1924, yang Kaihui came to join him in Shanghai, at least for a time. (They had a nanny now, to help them with the two children.)

By July, mao was growing convinced that the Guomindang alliance with the communists might not be tenable much longer, and with Chen Duxiu he co-signed a position paper to the Communists, urging them to consider the contingency of withdrawing. The Guomindang right wing was gaining ground, they argued, and intent on placating the militarists and the merchants by suppressing movements of the workers and peasants. Mao signed a second important circular on September 10, concerning warlords in central China, and a third in November on party work and policies toward sun yat-sen. then, suddenly, in December, Mao pulled out altogether and went home to Changsha. In February 1925 he traveled deeper into the countryside, back to his native village of shaoshan in xiangtan county. For almost a year he attended no meetings of either political party, and was dropped from his important committees one by one.

Mao told his Communist superiors that he was exhausted, and there is no need to doubt it. He also, one may assume,wanted to spend time with his family. A third reason-- though where to place it in terms of the other two is unclear-- was that he wanted to work with the peasants on his own former home turf, where he knew their ways and their dialects, their tragedies and their hopes. A corollary to that reason would be that mao wanted to build a base of his own, in a region and among people he trusted and understood. Even though, I a rather abstract way , the Comintern and the communist party ( and even the Guomindang) had espoused the cause of peasant liberation with various degrees of rhetoric, those pronouncements were no substitute for trying to understand rural China on the ground that one knew best. Elsewhere in China, especially on southeast coast, a few other pioneers had embarked on the formation of peasant associations and cooperatives or had begun to push for some release free from harsh tenantry terms , or even for redistribution of land. Yang Kaihui may have shared this interest , and certainly there had been several experiments in Hunan—-their extent, as we as their collapse, had been reported by Mao ( in absentia) to the communist central executive committee in late 1923.

facelist doodle 涂鸦板

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