罗德里戈·罗森博格(Rodrigo
Rosenberg)知道自己死期将至。这可不是因为年事已高,他还只有48岁。也不是因为诊断出了什么不治之症;他可是一名狂热的自行车手,身体非常健康。确切地说,在危地马拉,罗森博格是一位颇受尊敬的企业律师,他料定自己会遭到暗杀。
Before
he began, in the spring of 2009,
to prophesy his own murder, there
was little to suggest that he
might meet a violent end. Rosenberg,
who had four children, was an
affectionate father. The head of his
own flourishing practice, he had a
reputation as an indefatigable and
charismatic lawyer who had a gift
for leading other people where he
wanted them to go. He was lithe
and handsome, though his shiny black
hair had fallen out on top,
leaving an immaculate ring on the
sides. Words were his way of
ordering the jostle of life. He
spoke in eloquent bursts, using his
voice like an instrument, his hands
and eyebrows rising and falling to
accentuate each note. (It didn’t
matter if he was advocating the
virtues of the Guatemalan constitution
or of his favorite band, Santana.)
Ferociously intelligent, he had earned
master’s degrees in law from
both Harvard University and Cambridge
University.
2009年春,他尚未预言自己被害命运之前,很难看出他会终结于暴力之手。罗森博格有四个小孩,是位和蔼可亲的父亲。他自己当老板,业务蒸蒸日上,作为律师,他素以不屈不挠和魅力不凡而享有盛誉,而且在领导与指挥别人上颇有天赋。他身形矫捷,英俊帅气,只是黑黝黝的头发已经开始秃顶,在四周留下光光的一圈。言辞是他的谋生之道。他善于雄辩,妙语连珠,说起话来又像乐器一般悦耳,配上手与眉的或抑或扬,话音尤显铿锵有力。(不论是为危地马拉宪法摇旗呐喊,还是为钟爱的乐队桑塔纳大声叫好,他都是如此表现。)智力超群的他在哈佛和剑桥都拿到了法律硕士学位。
2
Rosenberg
had been born into Guatemala’s
oligarchy—a term that still applies
to the semi-feudal Central American
nation, where more than half of
its fourteen million people, many of
them Mayan, live in severe poverty.
His mother had inherited a small
fortune, and his father had acquired
several businesses, including a popular
chain of cinemas. (As a boy,
Rosenberg had spent hours in the
plush seats, entranced by the latest
American films.) Rosenberg was accustomed
to privilege. A car enthusiast, he
drove a Mercedes and made an
annual pilgrimage to Indianapolis to
watch Formula 1 races. He had been
married twice but was now single,
living in an elegant high-rise
overlooking Guatemala City.
罗森博格生于危地马拉的寡头之家,寡头这一术语仍然适用于这个半封建的中美洲国家,该国1400万人口中超过半数(他们中许多是玛雅人)生活极度贫困。他母亲继承了一大笔钱,父亲则获得了数份产业,包括一家大众连锁影院。(还是小孩时,罗森博格就在影院的毛绒座椅上度过了不少时间,他对最新的美国影片痴迷不已。)罗森博格养尊处优可谓习以为常。作为汽车发烧友,他开着一辆奔驰车,每年都远赴印第安纳波利斯去观看F1方程式大赛。他结过两次婚,不过现在是单身,从他居住的豪华高层楼房里,可以俯瞰危地马拉城。
Though
his wealth allowed him a desultory
life, he was “driven and motivated
by his goals,” as a relative
put it. When he began his
studies at Cambridge, he had spoken
almost no English, so Rosenberg
informed his professors that he had
recently undergone surgery on his
vocal cords, and could not yet
talk in class; in the meantime,
he bought a television and watched
it each night with closed-captioning
until, after three months, he spoke
with confidence.
虽然他的财富足够让他过上衣食无忧的生活,但如一名亲属所言,他“有自己的奋斗目标,这一直鞭策和激励着他”。刚进剑桥的时候,他几乎不会说英语,于是罗森博格对他的教授说,他声带刚做过手术,目前还不能在课上讲话;与此同时,他买来电视,关掉字幕,每晚观看,三个月后,他已经能熟练自如地讲英语了。
He
was not a religious man, but he
maintained a stark sense of good
and evil, castigating others, as well
as himself, for transgressions. When
he was a child, his father had
abandoned the family, a betrayal that
Rosenberg had never forgiven; he even
refused to accept an inheritance that
his father had left him. One of
Rosenberg’s closest friends noted
that, if he thought you had
crossed him, he could be brutal:
“He was always very honest—sometimes,
perhaps, too honest. He would say
things that are true, but sometimes
things that are true that you
shouldn’t mention.” Though Guatemala’s
judicial system was notoriously corrupt,
Rosenberg was drawn to the clarity
of the law, to its unflinching
judgment. He argued, successfully, before
the Constitutional Court, Guatemala’s
equivalent of the U.S. Supreme
Court, and in 1998 he became the
vice-dean of a prominent law school.
At the same time, he served as
counsel for some of Guatemala’s
most powerful élites—its coffee barons
and corporate executives and government
officials.
他不信教,但善恶分明,既严于律人,也严于律己。当他还是个孩子时,他父亲抛弃了家庭,对于这场背叛,罗森博格一直刻骨铭心;他甚至拒绝接受父亲留给他的遗产。罗森博格最亲密的朋友谈到,若他认为你反对他,他会残酷无情:“他总是非常直率,不过有时候,可能直率过了头。他会说,这些是对的,但有时候事情即使是对的,你也不该提。”尽管危地马拉司法系统的贪污腐败是出了名的,罗森博格依然对法律的明晰和确定不移的判决倾心不已。在宪法法院(危地马拉相当于美国最高法院的机构)上,他的辩论大获成功,1998年,他成为一所知名法律学院的副院长。同时,他还在危地马拉一些权势煊赫的精英人士(咖啡巨头、企业总裁和政府官员们)那儿担任法律顾问。
And,
according to Rosenberg, it was a
case involving one of these clients,
Khalil Musa, that had placed his
life in jeopardy. A Lebanese
immigrant, Musa had risen from poverty
to great wealth, manufacturing textiles
and producing coffee. Stern, traditional,
and hardworking, he liked to recite
the inspirational poetry of Khalil
Gibran, and was admired as one
of the few magnates in Guatemala
who refused to plunder the state
or make payoffs for favorable deals.
At seventy-six, he suffered from
vertigo, and he increasingly relied on
the younger of his two daughters,
Marjorie, to help him manage his
business. Marjorie, who was forty-two,
was married with two children, and
she had an easy ebullience that
infused her simple features with
beauty. She had mastered the
intricacies of finishing fabrics, and
she had always been—as her
sister, Aziza, acknowledges, without
rancor—their father’s
favorite.
据罗森博格称,这些客户当中有一位叫卡里尔·穆萨(Khalil
Musa),正是牵涉到他的一件案子将自己的生命置于危险境地。穆萨是黎巴嫩移民,出身贫穷,却挣下了万贯家财,他的生意主要是纺织与咖啡制造。他是个严苛、传统而又勤勉的人,喜爱背诵纪伯伦鼓舞人心的诗篇,在危地马拉,他是少数几位受人尊崇的巨头之一,他不会因有利可图而蠹蚀国家或大行贿赂。76岁的他患有眩晕症,日益依赖于两个女儿中的妹妹马约莉(Marjorie),马约莉时年42岁,已婚,有两个小孩,她生性单纯,热情洋溢的性格为之更添一份魅力。她精通纺织印染的复杂工艺,她姐姐阿齐萨(Aziza)毫无私怨地承认,妹妹向来都是父亲的掌上明珠。
Musa
lived in an affluent neighborhood of
Guatemala City, and Marjorie often
drove him from their factory, on
the outskirts of the capital, home
for lunch. On April 14, 2009, they had
set out on such a routine trip.
The rainy season was a few
weeks away, and so clouds had
not obscured the steep volcanic cones
that tower over the city, periodically
showering the streets with ash. When
Marjorie stopped at a red light,
just outside the factory, a man
got out of a car behind her
and approached the Musas’ vehicle from
the passenger side, as if to
ask a question. He then aimed a
9-mm. pistol at Musa, and opened
fire—a blur of smoke and light.
The gunman sprinted to a motorcycle,
where a driver was waiting for
him, and hopped on the back
seat. They sped away. The stoplight
in front of the Musas’ car
turned green, then red, and then
green again, but the car remained
in place, the engine still rumbling.
One of the tinted windows on
the passenger side had shattered,
revealing father and daughter lying in
one another’s blood. They had
both been shot in the chest.
The police arrived within minutes, but
by then they were dead.
穆萨住在危地马拉城一个富裕小区里,马约莉经常开车从位于首都郊外的工厂载着他回家吃午饭。2009年4月14日,他们跟往常一样又启程了。离雨季还有几个星期,城市周围高耸而险峻的火山还不见云雾缭绕,不时会有火山灰掉落到大街上。出工厂没多远,当马约莉在一处红灯前停下时,一名男子从她身后的车里钻出来,接近了穆萨汽车的乘客位置,像是要问路。他随即掏出9毫米手枪对准了穆萨,枪响处,一抹烟雾和火光迸射而出。枪手飞奔向一辆摩托车,那儿有一名车手已经在等候,他跃上后座,摩托车疾驰而去。穆萨车前方的交通灯变绿,又变红,再变绿,车却丝毫未动,引擎还在隆隆作响。乘客座位一侧有扇染色玻璃已经粉碎,可以看到父亲与女儿倒在血泊之中。他们都是胸部中弹。警察几分钟后赶到,不过那时他们都已命丧黄泉。
Rosenberg
had frequently expressed despair over
the violence that consumed Guatemala.
In 2007, a joint study by the
United Nations and the World Bank
ranked it as the third most
murderous country. Between 2000 and 2009, the
number of killings rose steadily,
ultimately reaching sixty-four hundred. The
murder rate was nearly four times
higher than Mexico’s. In 2009, fewer
civilians were reported killed in the
war zone of Iraq than were
shot, stabbed, or beaten to death
in Guatemala.
对于吞噬危地马拉的暴力,罗森博格常常感到绝望。2007年,在联合国与世界银行的一项联合调查中,危地马拉名列全球凶杀最严重国家的第三位。2000至2009年间,被害者数目逐年稳定增长,最终达到了6400人。该国的谋杀率将近比墨西哥高出4倍。2009年,伊拉克战区报告罹难的平民数量甚至要少于危地马拉被枪杀、刺杀或殴打至死的人数。
The
violence can be traced to a
civil war between the state and
leftist rebels, a three-decade struggle
that, from 1960 to 1996, was the
dirtiest of Latin America’s dirty
wars. More than two hundred thousand
people were killed or “disappeared.”
According to a U.N.-sponsored
commission, at least ninety per cent
of the killings were carried out
by the state’s military forces
or by paramilitary death squads with
names like Eye for an Eye. One
witness said, “What we have seen
has been terrible: burned corpses;
women impaled and buried, as if
they were animals ready for the
spit, all doubled up; and children
massacred and carved up with
machetes.” The state’s counter-insurgency
strategy, known as “drain the sea
to kill the fish,” culminated in
what the commission deemed acts of
genocide.
暴力活动可追溯至政府军与左翼叛军的内战,从1960年至1996年,战争持续了30多年,堪称拉美肮脏战争中的极致。累计有超过20万人被害或“失踪”。据联合国资助的一个委员会统计,至少90%的杀害是政府军或准军事组织——“以眼还眼”之类行刑队所为。据一名目击者透露,“惨景历历在目:燃烧的尸体、钉死和活埋的女人,仿佛他们是动物一样,随时都可能被屠戮,甚至变本加厉,儿童遭到大肆屠杀,就直接拿着大砍刀劈的。”该国的戡乱战略以“赶尽杀绝”著称,委员会认定这归根结底是种族灭绝的暴行。
In 1996,
the government reached a peace accord
with the rebels, and it was
supposed to mark a new era of
democracy and rule of law. But
amnesty was granted for even the
worst crimes, leaving no one
accountable. (Critics called the policy
“the piñata of self-forgiveness.”) In
1998, the Guatemalan Archdiocese’s Office
of Human Rights, led by Bishop
Juan Gerardi, released a four-volume
report, “Guatemala: Never Again,” which
documented hundreds of crimes against
humanity, identifying some perpetrators by
name. Two days later, Gerardi was
bludgeoned to death, a murder that
was eventually revealed to be part
of a conspiracy involving military
officers.
1996年,政府与叛军达成和平协议,本以为这标志着民主法治的新时代即将来临。但是,即使那些罪大恶极的犯人也被大赦,谁都不用承担责任。(批评家称该政策为“自我宽恕的皮纳塔【译注:皮纳塔是拉丁美洲特有的一种泥制彩色装饰品,此处用来形容该政策的华而不实和不堪一击】”)1998年,由主教胡安·杰拉尔迪(Juan
Gerardi)领导的危地马拉总教区人权办公室发布了一份长达四卷的报告《危地马拉:前车之鉴》,其中记录了违反人权的数百项罪行,并注明了作恶者的姓名。两天之后,杰拉尔迪就被乱棒打死,最后发现,这次凶杀是阴谋策划好的,参与密谋的就有军官。
After
the peace accord, the state’s
security apparatus—death squads, intelligence
units, police officers, military
counter-insurgency forces—did not disappear
but, rather, mutated into criminal
organizations. Amounting to a parallel
state, these illicit networks engage
in arms trafficking, money laundering,
extortion, human smuggling, black-market
adoptions, and kidnapping for ransom.
The networks also control an exploding
drug trade. Latin America’s cartels,
squeezed by the governments of
Colombia and Mexico, have found an
ideal sanctuary in Guatemala, and most
of the cocaine entering America now
passes through the country. Criminal
networks have infiltrated virtually every
government and law-enforcement agency, and
more than half the country is
no longer believed to be under
the control of any government at
all. Citizens, deprived of justice,
often form lynch mobs, or they
resolve disputes, even trivial ones,
by hiring assassins.
和平协议缔结之后,该国的安全机构——行刑队、情报机关、警官、军方戡乱部队——并未消亡,而是突变为犯罪组织。这些非法网络好比是另一个并行的国度,武器走私、洗钱、敲诈勒索、偷渡、黑市贩卖人口和绑架索赎,简直无恶不作。这些网络所控制的毒品交易迅速扩大。拉美犯罪集团在哥伦比亚和墨西哥遭到严厉打击,却在危地马拉找到了理想的避难所,绝大多数进入美国的可卡因现在都经由该国周转。犯罪网络几乎渗透到每一政府及司法机构,该国半数以上的人完全不认为政府在管事。那些享受不到司法公正的平民常常沦为私刑暴民,或者他们靠雇佣杀手来解决争端,哪怕是琐碎小事也不例外。
Some
authorities have revived the darkest
counter-insurgency tactics, rounding up
undesirables and executing them. Incredibly,
the death rate in Guatemala is
now higher than it was for much
of the civil war. And there is
almost absolute impunity: ninety-seven per
cent of homicides remain unsolved, the
killers free to kill again. In 2007,
a U.N. official declared, “Guatemala
is a good place to commit a
murder, because you will almost
certainly get away with it.”
有的当局重新恢复了最黑暗的戡乱手段,把那些不受欢迎者聚拢起来,然后统一处决。不可思议的是,如今危地马拉的死亡率甚至比内战大部分时间都高。而且杀人到了肆无忌惮的地步:97%的凶杀至今是悬案,杀手随意便可再开杀戒。2007年,一位联合国官员称,“危地马拉就是谋杀的天堂,因为你几乎笃定可以逍遥法外。”
After
Rosenberg heard that the Musas had
been shot, he rushed to the
scene. Luis Mendizábal, a longtime
friend and client of Rosenberg’s,
told me, “I asked him to come
and pick me up, so we could
go to the place together. He
said, ‘No, no, no. I’m not
going to lose any time. I’m
going directly.’ So he went. He
couldn’t believe it. Then he
came back over here, and cried,
easily, for two hours.” His oldest
son, Eduardo, who was twenty-four,
told me that it was only the
second time he had seen his
father break down, the first being
when Rosenberg revealed that he was
separating from Eduardo’s mother. He
seemed “completely destroyed” by the
Musas’ deaths, Eduardo recalled.
得知穆萨父女被枪杀,罗森博格匆匆赶往现场。路易斯·蒙迪扎巴尔(Luis
Mendizábal)是罗森博格的老友和客户,他对我说,“我要他过来捎我一起去,这样我们就能一块赶到那儿。但他说,‘不,不,不。我不能浪费一点时间,我要直接赶过去。’这样他就去了。他不敢相信眼前所见。后来他又返回那儿,放声大哭,足足哭了两个小时。”他的长子爱德华多(Eduardo)现年24岁,他告诉我,除了与爱德华多母亲分手时之外,这还是第二次他看到父亲如此形神俱毁。爱德华多回忆道,穆萨父女之死似乎“彻底摧垮”了他。
Though
the crime was horrific, Rosenberg’s
deeply emotional reaction was surprising.
Musa was not a big client or
someone he knew that well. Then
Rosenberg told his son a secret:
for more than a year, he and
Marjorie had been having an
affair.
尽管罪行可怖,但罗森博格极度的情感反应还是令人意外。穆萨不是个大客户,与他交往也不甚深。后来罗森博格告诉了儿子一个秘密:一年多来,他一直与马约莉有染。
They
had planned to marry, but had
not wanted to disclose their
relationship until Marjorie got a
divorce. Almost every day, they had
exchanged text messages. On March 3, 2009,
five weeks before the shooting,
Marjorie wrote to Rosenberg, “I love
you like I’ve never loved
before. And, yes, I will marry
you.” A few days later, she
said, “Good night my love, my
prince, my whole life. You
don’t know how much I love
you, how much I adore you, and
how much I need you. You are
so tender with me. And you’re
the sweetest man I know.” She
added, “I’m dying to live the
rest of my life at your side.”
He called her “my Marjorie de
Rosenberg” and told her that she
gave him “the strength to be a
better man” and that they were
“living an incredible love story.”
Hours before she was killed, he
ended a message with the words
“Your prince forever.”
他们计划结婚,不过打算等马约莉离婚之后再公布他们的关系。几乎每天他们都在互发短信。2009年3月3日,枪击发生5周之前,马约莉写给罗森博格,“我爱你,我从未爱过这么深。是的,我要嫁给你。”几天之后,她又说,“晚安,我的爱人,我的王子,我的全部生命。你不知道我有多么爱你,多么恋你,多么需要你。你对我温柔备至,你是我所知道的最甜蜜的男人。”末了还添一句,“我渴望余生与你作伴。”他唤她“我罗森博格家的马约莉”,并告诉她,是她给了他“不断进步的力量”,而且他们“活在一个妙不可言的爱情故事里。”就在被害前的几个小时,他还在一条消息的末尾署下“你永远的王子”。
In
tears, Rosenberg told his son, “They
killed her! They killed her!” He
told Mendizábal the same thing,
repeating the words over and
over.
眼含热泪,罗森博格对他儿子说,“他们杀了她!他们杀了她!”他向蒙迪扎巴尔讲述了同样的事情,一遍又一遍地念叨着这句话。
The
shootings unnerved the most powerful
members of Guatemalan society. Khalil
Musa knew Guatemala’s President,
Álvaro Colom, who had also worked
in the textile industry; Marjorie was
a good friend of Gustavo Alejos,
who was Colom’s private secretary,
and whose brother was the head
of Congress. An adviser to President
Colom told me, “If the Musas
could be killed, there was a
sense that anyone could be.”
枪杀让危地马拉社会最有权势的人物都感到紧张不安。穆萨认识危地马拉总统阿尔瓦罗·科罗姆(Álvaro
Colom),且总统也在纺织行业干过;马约莉是科罗姆私人秘书古斯塔沃·阿莱霍斯(Gustavo
Alejos)的好友,而古斯塔沃的哥哥是国会领导人。科罗姆总统的一名顾问告诉我,“如果穆萨父女都能被害,那给人的感觉就是谁都无法幸免了。”
Thousands
of people showed up for the
Musas’ funeral, Alejos among them.
Rosenberg, concerned that his affair
with Marjorie might cause a scandal,
stood outside the chapel, watching
from a distance. A few days
later, Rosenberg received a call from
a jeweller, who informed him that
Marjorie had ordered a gift for
him before her death—a wedding
ring. “This is the message she
sent me,” he told
Mendizábal.
数千人出席了穆萨的葬礼,阿莱霍斯也在其中。罗森博格担心他与马约莉的韵事会引发丑闻,只好站在教堂外,远远地观望。几天之后,罗森博格接到珠宝商的电话,说马约莉生前订了一份礼物送给他——一枚结婚戒指。“这是她发给我的信号,”他对蒙迪扎巴尔说。