被预言的谋杀（3）

5月11日星期一上午，科罗姆总统去他的主办公室工作，办公室位于总统府的第二层，是一间安全无窗的房子。该建筑的地下有一条地道通往国宫。这两栋建筑【译注：指总统府和国宫】都是豪尔赫·乌必哥（Jorge Ubico）下令建造的，乌必哥是该国1930年代至1940年代初当政的元首，他视自己为拿破仑再生，那一纪念性的石建筑【译注：指国宫】显露出他的狂妄自大。（该建筑充斥着五道拱门之主题，这是向Ubico五个字母致敬。）科罗姆在办公室与宫殿之间来往穿梭时，面对的都是该国暴力史的暗示：行政办公室是一位总统在政变中被罢黜的地方；餐厅则是一位军事独裁者遭警卫人员刺杀的地方，该警卫人员随后饮弹自杀。

Colom, who was fifty-seven, was unusually reticent for a politician. Tall and severely thin, with bent shoulders, receding gray hair, and owlish glasses, he looked like a seminarian, which he had studied to be before turning to politics. A congenital lip deformity caused him to speak in a nasal, almost unintelligible whisper. He had experienced a number of tragedies: his first wife was killed in a car accident, and in 1979 his uncle, a popular progressive politician, joined Guatemala’s pantheon of martyrs when the military, after chasing him through the capital on motorcycles and in a helicopter, assassinated him.

　　科罗姆时年57岁，身为政治家，他异乎寻常的少言寡语。瘦高的个子，屈起的肩膀，谢顶的白发，加上猫头鹰式的眼镜，他看去如同一位神学院学生，在转攻政治之前，他确实学的是神学。天生的嘴唇畸形致使他说话带有鼻音，耳语般几乎听不大清。他经历过数次人生惨剧：他结发妻子死于车祸；1979年，他的叔叔，一位颇受欢迎的进步政治家，成为危地马拉众位烈士中的一员，军方先是在首都动用摩托车和直升机对其追捕，而后将其暗杀。

In 2007, Colom, representing a social-democratic coalition, won the Presidency—the first time in five decades that a left-of-center leader had ruled Guatemala. The election was one of the bloodiest in the country’s history: more than fifty local candidates and party activists were murdered, and Colom’s campaign manager was nearly killed by three grenades thrown at his motorcade. Colom defeated Otto Pérez Molina, a conservative former general who had once overseen military intelligence. In the eighties, he had taught at the School of the Kaibiles, which produced an élite force of commandos whose training included slaughtering animals and drinking their blood, and whose motto was “A Kaibil is a killing machine.”

　　2007年，代表社会民主党同盟的科罗姆登上了总统宝座，这是五十年来首次由左中翼领导人统治危地马拉。选举也是该国历史上最血腥的一页：超过50位本地候选人和党派活动家遇害，而科罗姆的竞选主管也差点被扔进他车队的三枚手榴弹炸死。科罗姆在选举中击败了奥托·佩雷斯·莫利纳（Otto Pérez Molina），这是一位保守派的前任将军，曾主管军方情报部门。1980年代，莫利纳任教Kaibil学校【译注：Kaibil是危地马拉军方的一种特殊作战部队，擅长丛林作战和戡乱行动】，负责培养精锐的突击部队，他们的训练项目包括屠宰动物并喝它们的血，其口号是“一名Kaibil就是一台杀人机器。”

Colom declared that the country must not return to a “past of darkness,” and he vowed to end the violence and the corruption. Yet, even if he was well intentioned, he was too weak to control the parallel state. A former U.N. official recalled asking Colom why he had given a ministry post to someone who was widely known to be corrupt. Colom replied, “He was not my choice.” Since Colom took power, two of his interior ministers have been indicted for corruption (a third died in a mysterious helicopter crash), and four consecutive heads of the national police have been dismissed, indicted, or jailed for alleged malfeasance. At the same time, Colom has been subject to a campaña negra—“black campaign”—conducted by many in the conservative oligarchy and in the political opposition. One day, President Colom and the First Lady discovered that the palace and their offices had been infiltrated with spy cameras.

　　科罗姆宣称，危地马拉决不能重返“昔日的黑暗”，他发誓要终结暴力与腐败。然而，尽管他怀有良好愿望，但由于实力太弱，他无法驾驭“另一个并行的国度”。据一位前联合国官员回忆，他曾问科罗姆为什么将部长职位授予一个众所周知的腐败者。科罗姆答道，“他并非我的选择。”自科罗姆上台以来，两位内政部长被起诉贪污（第三名则死于一次神秘的直升机失事），而国家警察部队连续四任司令因涉嫌渎职，或遭解职，或被起诉，或陷囹圄。与此同时，科罗姆已处于“黑色运动”的控制之下，指挥该运动的多是保守派寡头与政治反对派。一天，科罗姆总统与第一夫人发现，国宫和他们的办公室已被渗入，都安上了间谍相机。

Earlier that Monday, Rosenberg’s funeral had been held, at the same cemetery where Marjorie was buried. Colom was in a meeting when he was interrupted by Gustavo Alejos, his private secretary. Alejos had received a call from a friend alerting him that something surreal had just happened at the funeral—something with implications for the entire government. Alejos called his cousin, a government minister who had been one of Rosenberg’s closest friends. The cousin, who had attended the ceremony, reported that Eduardo Rosenberg had given a eulogy and played a recording of “El Salvador Blues,” by Santana. Then Luis Mendizábal had stood up and addressed the hundreds of mourners: “Everybody here loved Rodrigo Rosenberg, and all of you are wondering why someone like Rodrigo, who couldn’t hurt anyone, was killed.” He paused, then said, “Well, Rodrigo left me with the answer.” He explained that Rosenberg had given him a video, with instructions to release it only if he was murdered. Mendizábal offered a CD to anyone who was interested.

　　周一早些时候，举行了罗森博格的葬礼，就在马约莉下葬的同一块墓地。科罗姆正在开会，这时他的私人秘书古斯塔沃·阿莱霍斯进来打断了会议。阿莱霍斯刚接到一位好友的电话，通知他说葬礼上发生了件离奇的事情，一件将整个政府牵连其中的事情。阿莱霍斯致电他的表亲，身为政府部长，这位表亲也是罗森博格的密友之一。该表亲出席了葬礼仪式，他汇报说，爱德华多·罗森博格致了悼词，并播放了桑塔纳的唱片《萨尔瓦多布鲁斯》。然后，蒙迪扎巴尔起立向数百名悼念者发表讲话：“这儿的每个人都深爱着罗德里戈·罗森博格，你们都想知道，为什么像罗德里戈这样手无寸铁的人竟遭杀害。”他顿了顿，继续说道，“是的，罗德里戈留给了我答案。”他解释说，罗森博格给过他一段录像，只有在其被害时才予以公布。蒙迪扎巴尔发给每位感兴趣者一张CD。

Mendizábal, who says he looked at the video only after Rosenberg’s death, knew that his actions would unleash “big trouble,” as he put it. But the previous day, as rain fell, he had visited the site where Rosenberg was shot. “I started thinking, What am I going to do? Keep silent?” Mendizábal recalled. While praying, he had seen on the ground a discarded metal plate inscribed with the word “ON.” “I realized then what I was supposed to do,” he said.

　　蒙迪扎巴尔说他只是在罗森博格死后才看了这段录像，用他的话说，他清楚自己的行为将打开“潘多拉的盒子”。但前一天，他冒雨查看了罗森博格遇害的地点。“我开始思考。我该做些什么？缄口不言么？”蒙迪扎巴尔回忆道。祈祷之时，他发现丢弃在地上的一块金属片刻着“ON”[译注：ON在此处暗示是要揭开秘密]的字眼。“我明白下一步该怎么做了，”他说。

Alejos’s cousin had taken one of Mendizábal’s CDs, and Alejos told him to come straight to the President’s office. By then, members of Colom’s inner circle had heard about the video, and they, too, rushed to the President’s office. Vice-President José Rafael Espada, who was a former cardiothoracic surgeon, also joined them. The cousin arrived, and the group gathered around Colom’s computer to watch the video.

　　阿莱霍斯的表亲也拿了一张蒙迪扎巴尔的CD，阿莱霍斯要他直接赶来总统办公室。此时，科罗姆政府的核心成员都听说了这段录像，他们也匆匆赶往总统办公室。副总统何塞·拉斐尔·埃斯帕达（José Rafael Espada）以前是一名胸外科医生，同样赶过来了。那位表亲一到，这群人就围拢在科罗姆的电脑前，一起观看这段录像。

Suddenly, Rodrigo Rosenberg was staring at them, sitting alone, with a microphone, in front of a spare table. He was dressed in a navy-blue suit, a starched white shirt, and a pale-blue tie—the kind of muted, formal ensemble that he had worn ever since his father had deserted the family, leaving him the head of the household. On his wedding finger was the ring that Marjorie had ordered for him.

　　突然，罗德里戈·罗森博格直视着他们，他独坐着，手拿麦克风，身后是一张空台子。他穿着天蓝色套装，笔挺的白衬衫，外加一条淡蓝色领带，自从他父亲抛弃家庭，他成为一家之主以后，就经常穿着这样的一套淡色正装。在他的婚礼手指上戴着的正是马约莉为他订购的戒指。

“Good afternoon,” Rosenberg said. “My name is Rodrigo Rosenberg Marzano and, alas, if you are hearing or seeing this message it means that I’ve been murdered by President Álvaro Colom, with the help of Gustavo Alejos.” Rosenberg went on, “The reason I’m dead, and you’re therefore watching this message, is only and exclusively because during my final moments I was the lawyer to Mr. Khalil Musa and his daughter Marjorie Musa, who, in cowardly fashion, were assassinated by President Álvaro Colom, with the consent of his wife, Sandra de Colom, and with the help of . . . Gustavo Alejos.”

　　“下午好，”罗森博格说道。“我的名字是罗德里戈·罗森博格·马扎诺，哎呀！如果你听到或看到此条消息，那表示我已经被谋杀了，是科罗姆总统在古斯塔沃·阿莱霍斯协助下干的。”罗森博格继续说，“我死了，而你能看到这条消息绝无仅有的原因便是：在我生命的最后阶段，我是卡里尔·穆萨及其女儿马约莉·穆萨的律师，而科罗姆总统在他妻子桑德拉·科罗姆的授意下，在古斯塔沃·阿莱霍斯的协助下以卑劣的手段暗杀了他们。”

Rosenberg said that he had “direct knowledge” of a conspiracy. He alleged that the President, the First Lady, members of the Colom Administration, and their business cronies were using Banrural to embezzle and launder money. (In a document summarizing his charges, which he had given to Mendizábal along with the recording, Rosenberg wrote, “Musa did not suspect that illegal, million-dollar business transactions were taking place daily in Banrural. These transactions range from money laundering to the channelling of public funds to nonexistent programs belonging to the President’s wife, Sandra de Colom, as well as the funding of shell companies used by drug traffickers.”) Because Musa would not have tolerated such corruption, Rosenberg said, he became a threat when he was nominated to Banrural’s board. At that point, Rosenberg said, the President, the First Lady, Alejos, and others conspired to kill him.

　　罗森博格说，他掌握了这场阴谋的“直接证据”。他宣称，总统、第一夫人、科罗姆政府成员及他们的生意伙伴利用农村银行侵吞公款并洗钱。（他将一份总结其指控的文档与录像一同交给了蒙迪扎巴尔，在这份文档中，罗森博格写道，“穆萨并未怀疑每天在农村银行发生的上百万美元的非法业务往来。这些交易囊括了从洗钱到转移公共基金至总统夫人名下子虚乌有的计划等，还为毒枭使用的空壳公司提供资金。”）由于穆萨不会容忍此类腐败，罗森博格说，因而被提名为农村银行董事的他便成了一大威胁。于是，罗森博格说，总统、第一夫人、阿莱霍斯及其他人共谋要置之于死地。

Initially, Rosenberg spoke slowly and stiffly, but then his hands began to rise and fall, along with his eyebrows, the power of his voice growing—a voice from the grave. “I don’t have a hero complex,” he said. “I don’t have any desire to die. I have four divine children, the best brother life could have given me, marvellous friends.” He continued, “The last thing I wanted was to deliver this message. . . . But I hope my death helps get the country started down a new path.” He urged Vice-President Espada—whom he described as “not a thief or an assassin”—to assume the Presidency and insure that the guilty parties wound up in jail. “This is not about seeking revenge, which only makes us like them,” Rosenberg said. “It is about justice.” He predicted that the Guatemalan government would try to cover up the truth, by smearing the Musas and inventing plots. “But the only reality that counts is this: if you saw and heard this message, it is because I was killed by Álvaro Colom and Sandra de Colom, with the help of Gustavo Alejos.” He concluded, “Guatemalans, the time has come. Please—it is time. Good afternoon.”

　　起初，罗森博格话语缓慢，略显僵硬，不过随即他的手就开始一起一落，眉也一蹙一扬，声音的力度加强了——这是来自坟墓的声音。“我没有英雄情结，”他说。“我不想死。老天赐我四个小孩，给了我最好的兄弟情谊，还有了不起的朋友们。”他接着说，“我想做的最后一件事情便是传递这条消息……但我希望我的死能帮助这个国家获得新生。”他力劝副总统埃斯帕达——他将其形容为“既非国蠹，亦非凶手”——担任总统并确保将这个罪恶团伙绳之以法。“这不是什么图谋报复，那只会让我跟他们一样，”罗森博格说。“这关乎司法公正。”他预计危地马拉政府会试图通过诽谤穆萨父女和捏造故事情节来掩盖真相。“但唯一可以相信的事实是：如果你看到或听到这一消息，即是古斯塔沃·阿莱霍斯帮助阿尔瓦罗·科罗姆和桑德拉·科罗姆杀害了我。”他总结道，“危地马拉的兄弟姐妹们，这一时刻已经到了。拜托——到时候了。午安。”

The video, which lasted about eighteen minutes, appeared to have been made cheaply. A blue sheet had been hung behind Rosenberg, to deflect glare, and there was a dull hum in the background, perhaps from cars on a nearby street. As with a hostage video, the eerie, amateurish quality of the production lent authenticity to Rosenberg’s claim: he had been rubbed out.

　　这段录像长约18分钟，看上去是那种廉价制作。一块蓝色薄板挂在罗森博格身后用来偏转强光，背景里能听到隐约的嘈杂声，也许是附近街道上汽车的声音。类似于人质录像，阴森恐怖的业余制作水准让罗森博格的声明更具真实感：他是被谋杀了。

When the video ended, President Colom and his staff were unable to speak. One aide later told me that he felt as if they had been transported into another world—a world of movie thrillers. Finally, Colom muttered that his enemies were trying to destroy his Presidency. “They want us out of here,” he said.

　　看完这段录像，科罗姆总统及其幕僚目瞪口呆。总统的一位助手后来告诉我，他感觉自己被传送到了另一个世界——惊悚片的世界。最后，科罗姆喃喃自语道，他的敌人想要毁了他的总统位子。“他们想将我从这儿赶出去，”他说。

No one in the room asked the President or Alejos if the allegations were true. An official who is close to Colom told me he could not believe that the President had been involved in ordering a murder. But, given the history of Guatemala, the official said, it was possible that others in the Administration had done so: “You never know.”

　　屋子里没人质问总统或阿莱霍斯这些指控是否属实。一位与科罗姆关系密切的官员告诉我，他不相信总统会是谋杀的幕后主使。但是，虑及危地马拉的历史，这位官员说，有可能是政府里的其他人做了这样的事情：“你永远也无从知晓。”

The room was filled with unacknowledged tensions and questions: Why had Rosenberg called for Vice-President Espada to take the reins of the country? Was Espada involved with Rosenberg, trying to orchestrate a new kind of coup? President Colom told me that the video “put the Vice-President in a compromising position.” The palace was at war with itself.

　　房间里充满了莫名的紧张气氛和不解疑团：为什么罗森博格会呼吁副总统埃斯帕达接手统治？莫非埃斯帕达与罗森博格有瓜葛，试图精心安排一场新的政变？科罗姆总统对我说，这段录像“让副总统如坐火山口。”国宫内都硝烟弥漫了。

According to a member of the government, Alejos acted as if he were “going to be arrested.” He called his wife and told her that she and their son had to leave the country. He then offered his resignation to the President, but Colom told him, “We’ll get through this.”

　　据一名政府成员透露，阿莱霍斯的举动，好似他“即将被捕”一样。他打电话给妻子，要她和儿子必须离开这个国家。然后他向总统提交了辞呈，不过科罗姆告诉他，“我们会度过难关。”

The video was almost instantly uploaded to YouTube, and it was broadcast on national television. The Presidential spokesman’s cell phone began ringing: reporters were demanding a response from Colom. “Honestly, for a few hours, we didn’t know what to say,” the spokesman told me. The President, Alejos, and the aides frantically tried to come up with a statement. Finally, they hashed out a few words. The President didn’t think that he should deliver them himself—better to maintain a dignified distance. And so two aides went out and stood before a pack of reporters, categorically rejecting the accusations.

　　录像几乎瞬间就上传到了YouTube，并在国家电视台播出。总统发言人的手机开始响个不停：记者要求科罗姆作出回应。“坦白地说，那几个小时内，我们不知道该说些什么，”这位发言人对我如是说。总统、阿莱霍斯及助手们绞尽脑汁想要拿出一份声明来，但讨论来讨论去，最后只有几句话。总统不愿亲自发表声明，认为保持有尊严的距离会更好些。于是，两位助手站到了一大帮记者面前，断然否认了所有指控。

The brief statement only fuelled the uproar: Why wasn’t the President himself responding? Why was he in hiding? In a panic, Colom’s chief of staff called Roberto Izurieta, a political consultant in Washington, D.C. Izurieta taught crisis management at George Washington University, but he was better known as the James Carville of Latin America—a strategist who had helped elect Presidents across the region, including Colom. Izurieta based much of his tactical thinking on Sun Tzu’s “Art of War.”

　　这份简短声明只能是火上浇油：为何总统自己不出来回应？为何他还在遮遮掩掩？惊慌之中，科罗姆的秘书长连忙致电罗伯托·伊苏列塔（Roberto Izurieta），他是华盛顿的一名政治顾问，在乔治华盛顿大学教授危机管理，不过他更为人所知的名头是“拉丁美洲的詹姆斯·卡维尔（James Carville）”，【译注：卡维尔是美国前总统克林顿的竞选谋士，为总统当选立下汗马功劳。】这位谋略家曾为该地区各国总统选举提供过支持，包括科罗姆在内。伊苏列塔的战术思维主要以《孙子兵法》为蓝本。

The chief of staff e-mailed Izurieta a link to the video. Izurieta later wrote, in an unpublished report, “After more than twenty years in politics, I can’t recall anything that made such a powerful impression on me.” He called back Colom’s chief of staff and said, “I’m catching the next flight to Guatemala.”

　　秘书长电邮给伊苏列塔一个录像链接。伊苏列塔后来在一份未发表的报告里写道，“我在政坛驰骋二十多年，还从来没见过让我如此震撼的事件。”他回电科罗姆的秘书长，“我会坐下一趟航班赶到危地马拉。”

Early the next morning, several reporters discovered Guatemala’s Attorney General—who was supposed to be heading up an impartial investigation into Rosenberg’s assassination—slipping out of a meeting with Colom. A former Presidential candidate said on the radio, “What justice is there going to be if the Attorney General meets together in the private office of the President?”

　　第二天一早，一些记者发现，危地马拉的检察长（他本应牵头对罗森博格暗杀事件进行公正调查）与科罗姆一同悄悄溜出了会场。一位前总统候选人在广播里疾呼，“若是检察长与总统在私人办公室里密会，那还有什么公正可言？”

Meanwhile, the Rosenberg video was entering the public consciousness, multiplying and regenerating like a spirochete. Within days, hundreds of thousands of people had watched it online—so many that servers crashed. A political analyst remarked that Rosenberg’s testimony was being translated into more languages than the works of Guatemala’s most famous poets and novelists. The video, known by the simple tag YouTube Murder, created what one of the country’s largest newspapers called “the greatest political crisis” in the history of Guatemalan democracy.

　　与此同时，罗森博格的录像进入了公众视野，并像螺旋体一般繁殖传播。几天之内，数十万人在线观看了它，流量之大，弄得服务器都瘫了。一位政治分析家评论，罗森博格的证词被翻译成的语言种数，甚至超过了危地马拉最著名诗人和小说家的作品。这段录像以“YouTube谋杀”的简单标签而走红，危地马拉最大报纸之一称其制造了该国民主史上“最重大的政治危机”。

By Tuesday morning, protesters were streaming into Guatemala City’s Central Plaza, dressed in white, a symbol of political purity, and screaming outside the National Palace, “Asesino! Asesino!”

　　周二上午，抗议人群汇集到了危地马拉城的中心广场，他们身着白衣，这代表政治的纯洁，他们在国宫外放声呐喊，“凶手！凶手！”

Izurieta, the consultant, arrived at the airport that afternoon and headed to the palace. As he approached, he could see the swarm of white-clad protesters in the plaza—the tsunami blanco, as the press dubbed it. Izurieta told his driver to stop the car, and got out. “I wanted to feel the protests, to see the people’s faces, to get the sense of the intensity,” he recalled. He knew that there was a moment when a political crisis became unmanageable; at that point, he, too, would be merely a spectator to history.

　　是日下午，顾问伊苏列塔抵达机场，直趋国宫而去。他快到时，看到广场上云集着白衣抗议者，用媒体的话说，就是一片白色的海洋。伊苏列塔要司机停车，他下了车。“我想接触下这些抗议者，看看他们的脸，体味一番激荡的情感，”他回忆道。他知道，有时候政治危机会变得无法控制；到那时，他也只能沦为历史的看客。

In the palace, Izurieta set up a war room in the President’s office. Sun Tzu warns that, to prevail, one has to “know thy self,” and if Izurieta was going to help the President he had to learn all the palace secrets. Late in the day, he found Colom secluded in a room with Guatemala’s Archbishop, murmuring words that Izurieta could not make out, as if he were in confession. No one dared to disturb the President, but Izurieta finally had to interrupt: Colom was scheduled to give a live interview on CNN.

　　国宫内，伊苏列塔在总统办公室里特辟了一个作战室。孙子告诫道，要战而胜之，就要“知己”，如果伊苏列塔要帮助总统，那他必须知道所有宫内的秘密。当天稍晚，他发现科罗姆与危地马拉大主教蛰居一室，咕哝着些伊苏列塔不知所以的话，好像他是在告解。没人敢去惊扰总统，但伊苏列塔最后不得不出面打断，因为科罗姆预定了要接受CNN的直播采访。

Colom spoke by satellite from the old executive office in the palace. He wore a blue suit and tie, and sat in a large wooden chair, staring directly into the camera—a pose that, to Izurieta’s dismay, mirrored Rosenberg delivering his posthumous J’accuse. The President claimed that the video was part of a “plot to destabilize the government.” Blinking nervously, he looked pale and scared. An aide conceded to me, “Everyone thought he was lying.” Not long afterward, the director of El Periódico wrote, “I can’t help but express the repugnance I felt during the declarations of President Álvaro Colom. . . . The only thing missing now is for the President and his henchmen to say that it was Rodrigo himself who immolated himself, kamikaze style, in order to discredit the government and that he himself paid the assassins to murder him.”

　　科罗姆在国宫的行政办公室通过卫星讲话。他身着蓝色套装，系一根蓝色领带，坐在大大的木椅上，直盯着摄像机——这姿势让伊苏列塔惊愕不已，这不活脱脱是罗森博格发表死后控诉的翻版么。总统称这段录像是“颠覆政府阴谋”的一部分。他局促地眨着眼睛，脸容苍白，面露惧色。一位助手向我坦承，“人人都以为他在撒谎。”其后不久，《El Periódico》主管写道，“科罗姆总统发表声明时，我抑制不住自己的厌恶之情……总统及其亲信现在唯一没挑明的是：罗德里戈系自我牺牲，像日本神风特攻队一样发起了自杀性攻击，目的是向政府泼污水，是他自己买凶杀死了自己。”

The President’s chief political rival, the former general Otto Pérez Molina, demanded that Colom step down. But the President insisted that he would forsake his position only if “they kill me.” In an interview on Al Jazeera, Colom warned Guatemalans to “be careful of crossing the line,” and added, “Accusing a President of murder publicly could be sedition.”

　　总统的主要政治对手、前任将军莫利纳要求科罗姆下台。但总统坚持说，除非“他们杀了我”，否则他不会放弃这个位置。在卡塔尔半岛电视台的采访中，科罗姆警告危地马拉人“小心别越界，”又补充说，“公开指控总统谋杀就是煽动叛乱。”

A young Guatemalan, furious with the government, sent out a message on Twitter that said, “The first concrete action should be to take cash out of Banrural and bankrupt the bank of the corrupt.” Soon afterward, authorities, fearing a run on the bank, stormed his apartment and detained him. Twitter provided a stream of data from a new democratic class of informants and orejas, creating a narrative of unpunctuated fragments from sources known and unknown, verified and unverified. There was chatter that Mendizábal feared for his life, and that the Musas’ house had been broken into.

　　一名危地马拉青年对政府大发雷霆，在Twitter上发出的一条消息里他这么写道，“头件事情应该是将存在农村银行的现金取出来，让这家腐败的银行破产。”没多久，当局担心银行遭挤兑，突袭了他的住处并将其拘留。Twitter提供了一系列来自新的民主派线人和“耳朵”的信息，这些已知与未知、已证实与未证实的片段串起来，就是一篇不加标点的故事。有人说蒙迪扎巴尔害怕会送命，有人说穆萨家曾被破门而入。

Each day, the demonstrations grew, mobilized by messages on Facebook and Twitter. The place where Rosenberg was killed became a shrine, with a large wooden cross and signs reading “You didn’t die in vain!” Protesters erected a movie screen and broadcast Rosenberg’s final testimony, so that his body and voice floated over the crowd. The video looped over and over, in an eternal present tense. A columnist said that Rosenberg had become “the voice of millions of Guatemalans.”

　　示威活动与日俱增，大家都被Facebook和Twitter上的消息鼓动起来了。罗森博格被害的地方成了圣地，一个大大的木十字架竖在那儿，上书“你不会白白死去！”抗议者立起一块电影屏，用来播放罗森博格的最后证词，这样他的音容笑貌就在人群上空浮现。录像反复播个不停，这是永久的现在时。一位专栏作家说，罗森博格已然变身“数百万危地马拉人的代言者。”

In the war room, Izurieta told President Colom, “We don’t have much time.” Aides bused in Colom supporters to the Central Plaza and filmed them, distributing the footage to television stations. (It was “pure propaganda,” the spokesman said.) But Colom wasn’t just losing a media battle; the government was on the verge of collapse.

　　在作战室，伊苏列塔对科罗姆总统说，“我们时间所剩不多。”助手们将科罗姆的支持者用公车拉到中心广场，并对他们进行了拍摄，然后把这些胶片分发给电视台。（发言人表示，这是“纯宣传活动。”）但科罗姆不仅在媒体战争中败下阵来；政府也摇摇欲坠。

The U.S. Ambassador, Stephen McFarland, paid an urgent visit to the palace. During the Cold War, America had frequently supported Guatemala’s brutal security apparatus. In the nineteen-fifties, the C.I.A. had contemplated an assassination campaign against left-wing Guatemalan targets and disseminated a treatise on the art of political murder: “The subject may be stunned or drugged and then placed in the car, but this is only reliable when the car can be run off a high cliff or into deep water without observation.” In 1999, President Bill Clinton, speaking of such policies, said that the U.S. “must not repeat that mistake.”

　　美国大使斯蒂芬·麦克法兰德（Stephen McFarland）紧急造访国宫。冷战期间，美国屡屡支援危地马拉残暴的安全机构。1950年代，CIA曾对危地马拉左翼目标策划一场暗杀活动，还抛出了有关政治谋杀术的论述：“将目标打昏或麻醉，然后放到汽车里，不过，只有让汽车跌落高崖或坠入深水且无人发现，才是可靠的方法。”1999年，克林顿总统谈及此类手段，称美国“一定不会再犯那种错误。”

McFarland stressed to President Colom that there was only one way out of the crisis: to turn over the investigation of the Rosenberg case to a U.N.-backed organization called the International Commission Against Impunity in Guatemala, or CICIG. Created in the fall of 2007, CICIG is a pathbreaking political experiment. Unlike many truth commissions or human-rights bodies, it does not investigate war crimes of the past, or merely monitor abuses. Rather, it aggressively fights against systemic violence and corruption, acting like blasts of radiation on a cancerous organism. Composed of several dozen judges, prosecutors, and law-enforcement officers from around the world, CICIG works within Guatemala’s legal system to prosecute members of organized crime and dismantle clandestine networks embedded in the state. Rosenberg’s brother, Eduardo Rodas, told the press that CICIG was “our only hope for achieving justice.”

　　麦克法兰德为科罗姆总统点出了眼下摆脱危机的唯一途径：将罗森博格案子的调查权转交联合国支持的组织——危地马拉的“国际打击有罪不罚委员会”（简称CICIG）。该组织成立于2007年秋，是一次开拓性的政治试验。与许多真相委员会或人权团体不一样，它并不调查过去的战争罪行，也不是仅仅监督司法滥用，而是与系统性暴力和腐败作积极的斗争，其行为如同是对癌症组织施以放射疗法。CICIG由来自全世界的几十位法官、检察官和执法官组成，在危地马拉的法律框架内工作，可以起诉犯罪组织成员，并拆毁隐藏政府内部的秘密网络。罗森博格的兄弟爱德华多·罗达斯（Eduardo Rodas）对媒体表示，CICIG是“我们获得公正的唯一希望。”

On May 12th, two days after Rosenberg was murdered, President Colom agreed to refer the case to CICIG. Not only did the fate of the Rosenberg case and the Colom Presidency depend on this international team of investigators, which was led by a former Spanish prosecutor and judge named Carlos Castresana; so did the fate of Guatemala’s democracy. As The Economist put it, “Whether or not Mr. Rosenberg’s killers are brought to justice will show whether or not Guatemala is indeed a failed state.”

　　5月12日，罗森博格被杀两天之后，科罗姆总统同意将案件提交CICIG。该组织负责人是在西班牙曾担任检察官和法官的卡洛斯·卡斯特雷萨纳（Carlos Castresana）。不仅罗森博格案子的结果和科罗姆的总统位置有赖于这个国际调查小组；危地马拉民主制度的命运亦是如此。正如《经济学人》所指出的，“杀害罗森博格的凶手能否绳之以法，将显示危地马拉究竟是不是个失败的国家。”